Tag: Irish Ecclesiastical Record

  • Saint Fursey of Péronne, January 16

    January 16 is the commemoration of one of the most important of the Irish missionary saints, Fursey of Péronne . His was a multi-faceted career and in the paper below, one of a series on Celtic missionary saints, Father W.H. Kirwan gives a stirring account of his life and labours in Ireland, Britain and the Continent. There are various commonplaces of medieval hagiography to be noted, prophecies of the saint’s future greatness at the time of his birth, for example, or the means by which his final resting place was decided. The author also touches on the later medieval fame of Saint Fursey which saw him associated with a series of visions and brings us details of some of the miracles attributed to him. So, enjoy the wealth of detail contained here in Father Kirwan’s work as he presents a full and well-written account of Saint Fursey of Péronne:

    St. Fursey

    IN the course of these short studies of the lives and labours of some Celtic Missionary Saints we have up to the present travelled from the northern shores of Ireland, first, to the Western Highlands of Scotland, in the company of St. Columba; and next, through Burgundy and the east of France, through Switzerland and across the Alps as far as the central ridge of Northern Italy, in company with St. Columbanus. The last scene of our journey was the shrine of St. Columbanus in the ancient abbey church of Bobbio, on the pine-clad slopes of the Apennines.

    The subject of our present study will take us in another direction, and set before us a different kind of scenery. We must transport ourselves in spirit from the high heights and clear, rarefied atmosphere of the Apennines, and return again to the shores of Ireland; not, however, to the rugged wilds of Donegal, or the bleak cliffs of the northern sea, but to the softer scenery of that low-lying plain by the western ocean that forms the fringe or borderland to Joyce’s country and the mountains of Connemara. A considerable part of this plain is occupied by the waters of two extensive lakes, the upper and smaller of the two being ten miles long and over four miles in breadth, whilst the lower and larger lake covers an area of 52,000 acres, and is twenty-seven miles long, varying in breadth from seven to over ten miles, narrowing, however, to a channel at its lower end. The name of the upper and smaller lake is Lough Mask, and of the larger and lower lake Lough Corrib. Towards its upper or northern end Lough Corrib opens out into a vast expanse of water, studded in all directions with small and well-wooded islands. Viewed in the sunlight of a summer’s day this part of the lake presents a veritable fairy scene of beauty, full of soothing tints, from the emerald green foliage of the thickly clustered trees reflected in its waters, to the fleecy white clouds moving gently through the soft blue sky above, in an atmosphere that is never without at least some faint suggestion of lingering mist. I have seen no better or truer description of this upper part of Lough Corrib than that given by Miss Margaret Stokes in her work on the Irish Saints. She had ascended a rising ground near the shores of the lake towards evening, and tells us that: —

    From this point the view was magical. The silvery lake, streaked with placid blue, lay south of me; while to the west arose the mystic mountain range, upon whose heights the seer may have watched the morning vapour rise, fold by fold, and detach itself in floating forms, like the veiled figures of his heavenly vision. Meanwhile the evening was drawing on: the low marshy lands were slowly changing beneath the pomp of radiant light that glowed upon them as the sun cast down its slanting rays, before it sank along the edges of the hills. Pool after pool was touched with golden light, and the rushes that fringed their borders cast long reflections upon the illumined waters, like eyelashes veiling the liquid depths of some soft human eye. Beyond the low ground the grand masses of the mountains rose in dark violet depths of colour against the crimson and the gold of heaven. From high Ben Levi and the gloomy range above Lough Mask, along Lacamra and Kirkaun to where the distant Hill of Doon melted into the summer sky, the eye travelled on to the low ranges of lar Connaught. In the middle distance the lake changed from blue and silver into liquid gold save where it made a two-fold image of the sweet-wooded islands on its bosom, or the dark lines of the tall reeds beneath which it slept its golden sleep on the shore.

    It would, however, require the skill and delicate perception of an artist, or the instinct of a poet, to express adequately the special charm of this scenery so unique in character, and so removed from all other examples of comparison. The scenery which nearest approaches to it in character that I have seen is that of Lake Thrasymene, between Cortona and Perugia in Italy, by whose reedy shores Hannibal defeated the Romans, and on one of whose islands St. Francis of Assisi passed his Lent. Lake Thrasymene, however, has only three islands, whereas those of Lough Corrib can be counted by the hundred, and it is even said— though, I take it, erroneously— to possess an island for every day in the year. It was on one of these islands, in the opening years of the seventh century, that St. Fursey, the subject of this present sketch, was born. The circumstances of his birth partake of a romantic interest. His father’s name was Fintan, a son of the King of Munster and, like his father before him, a pagan. It so happened that Fintan went on a visit to the King of Leinster, and at the court of that king he met the Princess Gelges, the king’s only daughter, and a fervent Christian. Gelges made use of the opportunity of their intercourse by trying to convert Fintan to Christianity, with the result that not only Fintan became a Christian, but he also fell violently in love with the Princess Gelges; and although her father would not hear of her marriage with Fintan, yet she became in time so enamoured of him, that they both arranged a secret marriage unknown to the king and his courtiers. After a time, however, and when a child was about to be born to Gelges, the king discovered their marriage, and being a man of passionate nature, his fury knew no bounds, and he ordered Gelges to be burnt alive for daring to disobey him.

    In spite of the heart-rending tears and supplications of Gelges, and her pleading for the sake of her unborn child the king remained implacable. A fire was prepared, and Gelges was led to be bound to the stake, when, lo! at the very spot where her last tears were falling, a fountain of water suddenly sprang up from the earth, whilst, with equal suddenness, there fell torrents of rain from the heavens with the result that the fire was extinguished, and many of those present were so struck with awe that they were converted to the Christian faith. Gelges, her garments untouched by the fire, was yielded up to Fintan by the king who still, however, remained unconverted, and ordered both Fintan and Gelges to be driven out of his dominions.

    Where were the helpless couple to turn at such a crisis in their lives ? Who would harbour and tend Gelges with her yet unborn child? In his anguish of heart and perplexity of mind Fintan bethought him of his saintly uncle, Brendan, who, then well advanced in years, was presiding as over a monastery situated on an island in Lough Corrib, called Inchiquin. Here he had come to rest, and end his days after his many labours, and on his return from much voyaging across the waters of the Atlantic, where he had discovered that western continent, to be known in later ages as America, and which was to be evangelized by so many apostles from his own nation and peopled by so many millions of his own race. Truly had he ‘cast his bread upon the waters,’ to be returned to him a thousand-fold in many days, and carried the first seed of that which is now a stately tree yielding its fruits for the healing of the nations and states which form the new world of the west.

    St. Brendan, then, whose name is in the calendar of  God’s Church, and who is styled in history Pater Laboriosus, had founded his monastery on the island in Lough Corrib called Inchiquin, not far from the shore.

    I shall never forget [writes Miss Stokes] that delightful ferry and the first sight of the long low island to which St. Brendan retired for rest, after his voyages in search of the New World in the western ocean, after his visit to St. Gildas in Wales, who named him Pater Laboriosus. On this island he retired to die, and close by, at his sister’s nunnery at Annaghdown, he breathed his last, within sight of this island. The rising ground encircling the creek is covered with wild wood, the grassy island lies in the middle distance. From its highest point the eye roams over the wide reaches of the lake to the islands of Inchagoill, the wooded Ardilaun, Inismacatreer, and numberless other islands, to the fine amphitheatre of mountains at whose feet Lough Mask and Lough Corrib extend. It was strange to travel back in thought to the time when, 1,300 years ago, this ferry was crossed by students from far and near, seeking the knowledge of letters and religion from Brendan, and Meldan, and Fursa.

    St. Brendan, like a true monk, when founding his monastery on Inchiquin, had not been unmindful of the apostolic injunction, ‘Forget not hospitality,’ and had raised a hospice on the island for the reception of pilgrims and travellers. Here it was, in this hospice, that St. Brendan received his nephew Fintan and his wife upon their arrival, listened to the tale of their sorrows and troubles, and poured consolation into their hearts. The first night of their sojourn on the island a wondrous light was seen shining over the hospice, and that same night Gelges gave birth to a male child, whom St. Brendan baptized, giving him the name of Fursa, which is the Gaelic for Virtue, and which in Latin is Fursaeus, in French Furci, and in its English form Fursey. From this circumstance of the miraculous light that St. Brendan had seen shining over the hospice on the night when Fursey was born, he had a divine presentiment that the child was destined, like the Baptist, to ‘go before the face of the Lord to prepare His ways, to enlighten those that sit in darkness and in the shadow of death.’ Therefore did St. Brendan conceive in his heart a very special predilection for his grand-nephew, and he besought his parents to dedicate the child to the service of God in the monastic state from his infancy.

    And so it came about that when, later on, Fintan and Gelges departed from Inchiquin, Fursey was left to be taught and trained by St. Brendan in his island monastery. Thus the child drank in from his infancy the combined monastic and apostolic spirit of St. Brendan, and grew gradually to resemble him also in his strangely restless spirit and attraction for missionary enterprise, which had carried his grand- uncle over the waters of the Atlantic in search of a new world to be gained to Christ. So Fursey grew up in the monastery under the tuition of St. Brendan, till the time came when he was old enough to stand alone. When that time arrived his saintly master had passed away from this world, whilst on a visit to his sister, St. Briga, at her monastery, which he had built for her at Annaghdown, which lies only a short distance to the south from Inchiquin.

    Meanwhile Fintan and Gelges, St. Fursey’s father and mother, had made their home on rising ground not far from the eastern shore of Lough Corrib, at a place known even to this day as Ard Fintain, and where some remnants of an ancient rath or fortification can still be traced. Here two sons were born to them, Foillan and Ultan. Both these younger brothers of St. Fursey joined him later on at Inchiquin, and entered the monastic state. St. Fursey who, after the death of St. Brendan, succeeded him, spent some years in training his disciples on his island home, until he felt called to make a new foundation of his own on the mainland. At a short distance from the small town of Headford may still be seen, surrounded by a graveyard, the ancient and venerable ruin of Killursa, a corruption of Killfursa, ‘Church of Fursa or Fursey.’ The western end of the little ruined church is undoubtedly not later than the beginning of the seventh century. The west door is a fine example of the primitive Celtic way of building, and is quite Egyptian in its austere simplicity. Anyone who has visited the island of Inchagoill out in the middle of Lough Corrib would not fail to be struck with the resemblance between this building and the two small ruined churches on that island; and archaeologists are agreed in attributing the more ancient of the two to the fifth century, and it has been handed down by an unbroken tradition that it was built by St. Patrick near the tomb of his nephew, and has always been known as ‘Temple Padraig.’

    The fame of the sanctity of St. Fursey had now been widely spread, and large numbers came to join him at his new monastery, to become his disciples. Hither also there followed him his two brothers, Foillan and Ultan. It was here at Killursa that St. Fursey had those world-famed visions which were destined to have such far-reaching influence on the religious thought, not only of his own age, but on the whole course of medieval religious thought. Some writers have even gone so far as to attribute to these visions of St. Fursey the entire formation of the theology of the Middle Ages concerning the state of souls after death; but that, of course, is a gross exaggeration, although their influence can certainly be traced in the popular conception and artistic expression of that portion of Catholic eschatology. No doubt the fact of the Anglo-Saxon Benedictine monk, St. Bede, having embodied in his ecclesiastical history an account of these visions is largely responsible for their widespread popularity. St. Bede, to judge by the way in which he narrates them, would seem to have believed in the objective reality of the visions of St. Fursey. It is, however, quite outside the purpose of this short sketch to enter into any discussion of such a delicate psychological and difficult theological question as that of the relative objective and subjective elements in the visions of the saints. Suffice it to say that they are not matters of Divine Faith, and can claim only from us a natural human belief, and the reasonable reverence and respect due to them as the experiences of souls living in close union with God. This attitude of mind towards them is insisted upon by the Church in the well-known decree concerning this subject of Pope Urban VIII.

    A significant fact, however, worth bearing in mind is, that certain modern students of the Divina Comedia, both in Germany and in France, as well as in Italy, are of opinion that the visions of St. Fursey furnished Dante with some of the chief sources of his immortal epic. There are, moreover, some beautiful passages in these visions which convey to our minds the fundamental principles of the spiritual life in language which reminds us of Thomas a Kempis and of the spiritual writers of later ages. For instance, St. Fursey, whilst raised from the earth in ecstasy, sees the souls of St. Meldan and of St. Beoan, who had preceded him into the next world, in the glory of heaven, and hears words from each of them of instruction and warning. St. Meldan says to him: ‘What dost thou fear? Thy journey is but for a day; go forth and preach to all that the day is at hand, that the judgment is nigh; urge the teachers in the Church of Christ to provoke the souls of the faithful to the sorrow of repentance, and to bring them back to health by feeding on the sacred Body and Blood.’

    St. Beoan says to him: —

    Preserve thy life by using the creatures of God; denying thyself, reject the evil; be a faithful steward, temperate in all things, for though the poor and the needy and the prisoner may beg, the rich should give to those that are in want. Let there be no discord in the Church of God; let those that are in monasteries eat their own bread, working in silence. Therefore be neither always in retirement nor yet always in the world, and, when alone, keep your heart with diligence, obeying the divine commandments, and, when in public, be intent on the salvation of souls; and though all may oppose and fight against you give good for evil, and with a pure heart pray for your enemies. For he who hath resignation in his heart can change the fierceness of wild beasts to gentleness. No sacrifice of works is so acceptable to God as a patient and a gentle heart, to which, God helping it, adversity and loss is gain. Go forth, therefore, and tell the chieftains of this land of Ireland that if they abandon their iniquity and repent they may attain salvation. And announce these very tidings to the priests of Holy Church, for our God is a God jealous lest the world should be loved before Him, and lest men, seeking the things of this world and delaying to repent till late in death, should receive their just reward and suffer fiery torment.

    Looked at from a purely human point of view, these visions of St. Fursey show a descriptive power that is most remarkable, and hard to match in the literature of that period. Take as an example of this vivid descriptive power the passage describing the end of the saint’s ecstasy and his return to bodily consciousness: —

    It was at the sound of the crowing of the cock, when the rosy morning light illumined his face, that the angelic music suddenly ceased; his friends, who stood around, beholding a motion of the mantle laid over him, uncovered his face. The man of God, now in the body, inquired of them, saying, ‘Why do ye, amazed, utter such disturbing sounds?’ They answering him related the whole matter in due order; at what hour in the evening he had fallen into a trance, and how, until the crowing of the cock they had watched around his lifeless body. But he, still dwelling on the angelic brightness and sweetness of his vision, thought with anxiety of the warning he had received, and he mourned to think there was no wise man there with whom he could commune of the things which he had seen, and feared lest the angels should return and find him unprepared. He then sought for and received the communion of the sacred Body and Blood and lived in suffering on that day and another.

    Does not this set before us a picture worthy of the brush of one of the old masters? As an example of word painting it brings to our mind some of the earlier Latin hymns of the Breviary for the office of Lauds. ‘Cock crow,’ Galli cantus as it was wont to be called, or, perhaps, the opening canto describing the dawn, of the Purgaiorio of Dante. But the time at our disposal precludes our dwelling here at any further length on these visions of the saint.

    Little else survives at present to mark the scene of St. Fursey’s visions at Killursa, save the ancient ruins of his small monastic church, standing in the midst of its graveyard, where for so many centuries, and up to the present day, the devout instinct of the people has impelled them to lay the mortal remains of their beloved dead under the protection of their patron saint. This strangely persistent instinct of the people for burying their dead near the ruins of the old churches of the early Irish saints is a cause of that unseemly, and to some minds irreverent, over-crowding of all the old graveyards in Ireland, that so often shocks the ideas and feelings of foreigners; and yet it cannot be denied that in no other nation is there a deeper or more enduring memory and reverence for the dead than there is in Ireland, where the past seems so often of more account and more real than the present. Understanding from the divinely-sent message which he had received in his visions that it was the will of God that he should go forth as a missionary to preach the gospel, St. Fursey departed from his beloved solitude by the shores of Lough Corrib, and in company with his two brothers, Foillan and Ultan, destined like himself to be venerated hereafter as saints in the Church’s calendar, he made his way out of Connaught into Munster, where he assisted at an ecclesiastical council, in the acts of which his name appears. Having settled the affairs of his monastery, the saint next proceeded for the space of one year to visit the islands around the Irish coast, preaching to their inhabitants, and holding spiritual conferences with the many hermits and monks who then inhabited them. Then, on the anniversary of the day on which he had been taken out of the body to see the visions sent to him by God, an angel appeared to him, and made known to him the day on which he was to set out to preach in foreign lands, telling him, moreover, that he was to spend twelve years in missionary labours. The last act of St. Fursey before setting out from Ireland was to ordain as priests three of his monks, which shows us that he must himself already have received episcopal consecration. The names of these three monks ordained by St. Fursey, and who were destined to have an equal fame with his own, are Algein, Etto, and Gobhan, and they afterwards became respectively the patron saints of the French towns called St. Algise, Avesnes, and St. Gobain.

    The journey of St. Fursey and his companions can be traced by documentary and archaeological evidence from Lough Corrib to Kilmainham, near Dublin, and thence to a place known since as Kilfursa, near Dundalk, in the county of Louth. Whilst waiting on the shores of the bay of Dundalk for the moment of their departure a great storm arose and lasted three days, during which St. Fursey and his companions spent their time in prayer and fasting, till the morning of the third day, when, just as St. Fursey was reading at the altar the prayer of the Mass called ‘The Secret,’ the storm suddenly ceased, and in fair weather they set sail for the shores of Britain. Traversing Wales, and passing through the Midlands of England, St. Fursey and his companions continued their journey till they arrived in East Anglia, at a place now called Burghcastle in Suffolk, known to the Romans as Garianonum, and to the Saxons, as Cnobheresburgh, not far from Yarmouth and Beccles. Garianonum is reckoned in the Notitia imperii as one of the stations of the count of the Saxon shore, whose jurisdiction reached as far as Portus Adurni, the modern Portslade and Aldrington, here, hard by, in Sussex. Extensive remains of the Roman castrum or fortified camp still exist at Burghcastle, composed of flint and triple rows of narrow red Roman bricks.

    The ancient round tower still stands at the west end of the old parish church of Burghcastle, and although the church is of course now in Protestant hands, the memory of St. Fursey has been of late revived by the erection of a stained glass window with the figure of the saint copied from an old miniature in the British Museum. When St. Fursey arrived at Burghcastle he found it to be the residence of a Saxon chief or king, called Sigebert, who had been tor long an exile in France, where he had become a Christian. William of Malmesbury, in his Chronicle, says of him that ‘He was a worthy servant of the Lord, polished from all barbarism by residence amongst the Franks.’

    During his exile Sigebert had become acquainted with a saintly Burgundian named Felix, whom he persuaded to accompany him to England on his restoration to his kingdom, and when St. Fursey arrived Felix had already become the Bishop of East Anglia.

    St. Felix, the Burgundian whom St. Fursey met at Burghcastle, is venerated amongst the saints on the 8th of March, and his name still survives in the town called Felixstowe, near Harwich.

    Sigebert received St. Fursey gladly, and made him a grant of land whereon to found a monastery, where Sigebert himself, later on, renouncing the world and his kingly rank, became a monk. St. Bede, in his ecclesiastical history, tells us that during his sojourn at Burghcastle, St. Fursey ‘converted many unbelievers to Christ, and confirmed in His faith and love those that already believed.’

    After spending five years at Burghcastle, and establishing there his monastery, St. Fursey, with twelve companions, set out, in the year 638, for the final scenes of their missionary career in France. It has been conjectured that the choice of his destination was largely determined by the counsels of St. Felix, the Burgundian Bishop of East Anglia.

    Landing at the mouth of the Somme, he divided his companions into two companies. Three of his monks, named Rodalgus, Algeise, and Corbican, he sent on before him along the banks of the Somme, the Seine, and the Meuse, in which regions they became the founders of churches. St. Fursey himself, with the remaining nine of his company, proceeded first to a spot only a short distance from the coast called St. Riquier, then knowm as Centule, where a monastery’ had already been founded just fifty years previously by another Irish missionary saint named St. Caidoc,

    The existing medieval abbey church of St. Riquier is looked upon by experts as one of the finest specimens of the best period of French Gothic architecture. It occupies the site of the monastery founded by St. Caidoc, and changed its name to St. Riquier in memory of a Frankish nobleman of that name who there became a monk, and died in the odour of sanctity. Here St. Fursey would have felt at once quite at home and amongst friends. He does not, however, appear to have made any long stay at St. Riquier, but proceeded onwards along the Roman road till he came to a place now called Frohens le Grand, which philologists tell us is a corruption of Forshen, or Fursham, ‘the House of Fursey.’ 


    It so happened that on the day that St. Fursey reached this place the only son of its ruler or duke, Haymon, had died, and the saint, who found the duke distracted with grief for the loss of his only child, strove to comfort him and asked to be allowed to spend the night watching by the dead body, to which the duke willingly assented. During the night, in answer to St. Fursey’s prayers, the dead child was restored to life, and Haymon in the early morning found him alive and praising God in company with the saint.

    This miracle so impressed Haymon that he strove to detain the saint in his territories, and offered him a place called Mezerolles to build a monastery, which, however, St. Fursey declined. Finally, when Haymon saw that St. Fursey would not stay with him, he besought him to reveal to him the time of his departure from this world wherever he might go. To this request the saint replied: ‘When you see me reappear with three bright lights in one night, then will you know that I am about to depart.’

    Many other miracles were wrought by the saint in his progress through this part of France which we must pass over for want of time to narrate them.

    The fame, however, of this first miracle of raising Duke Haymon’s son from the dead soon spread far and wide. At that time the Mayor of the Palace to King Clovis II was a good Christian man named Erchenwald, to whom Clovis had granted the fortress or stronghold of Peronne in Picardy. No sooner, therefore, did St. Fursey set out from the territory of Duke Haymon than Erchenwald went forth to meet him to a place now called Grand Court, and conducted him to Peronne. All who have read Sir Walter Scott’s specially fine novel Quentin Durward will remember his graphic description of Peronne, and the low-lying marshy flats around it. The towm is situated on a gentle incline above the level of the somewhat Dutch-like scenery of its neighbourhood. Local tradition has well preserved the traces of the route by which St. Fursey travelled to Peronne from St. Riquier: —

    If [writes Miss Stokes] you will take your map of Picardy, and mark every holy well dedicated to St. Fursey in this district, you will seem to have his line of progress clearly indicated from St. Riquier to Peronne, and these wells lie close along the Roman road reaching from Abbeville to Doullens ; thence to Yvrench, about six miles from St. Riquier, where there is a Fontaine de St. Furci, still visited by pilgrims suffering from the diseases of the eye. Again, Maison Ponthieu, in the Canton of Crecy, at Frohens, Outrebois, le Meillard, Authicule, Mailly, in the Canton d’Acheux, to Grand Court and Pys, in the Canton d’Albert, on to les Boeufs, a village which takes its name from the bullocks which drew the bier of St. Fursey at his funeral, when his body was borne from Frohens to Peronne.

    No sooner had the saint arrived at Peronne, escorted by Erchenwald, than the fame of his miracles began to reach the ears of King Clovis and Queen Bathilde, who both besought him by offers of land to settle near Paris. St. Fursey accepted the royal offer of a site for the foundation of a monastery at Lagny, near Chelles, where Queen Bathilde had founded a royal abbey for nuns, six miles from Paris. Whilst St. Fursey was at work, labouring with his own hands at building the monastery of Lagny, Erchenwald had begun for him the erection of a splendid basilica, on the spot called ‘the hill of swans,’ at Peronne.

    St. Fursey would seem to have spent some years ruling his monastery at Lagny, near Paris, visiting Peronne from time to time, where we are told he won many souls to God. He was employed during part of this period by the Bishop of Paris as his auxiliary Bishop.

    Meanwhile, as Erchenwald’s basilica was reaching completion the days of our saint’s earthly pilgrimage were drawing to a close. One day, whilst he was wondering whom he could choose as the head of his monastery at Lagny after his departure, there came a loud knocking at the abbey gate, and, on the door being opened, the travel-stained and weary figure of a monk was seen outside. He said he had travelled far and wide in search of Fursey, his dearly-beloved master, who had formed and trained him in the spiritual life, and was told that he would find him at Lagny. St. Fursey recognized in this monk one of the first of his early disciples by the shores of Lough Corrib, who, unable to rest without his master, had set out from Connaught, resolved to travel about until he found him again. The name of the monk was Aemilianus, and he was specially dear to St. Fursey, who at once appointed him to be his successor at Lagny, and when all was arranged, having blessed him and all his monks, he set out on his journey to Peronne, to take possession of the new monastery with its basilica, raised for him by the Mayor of the Palace, Erchenwald. But it was not God’s will that he should ever see with his mortal eyes the completed shrine where his body was afterwards to rest, for when he had reached Mezerolles, the spot where Duke Haymon had first offered him a site for a monastery, he became suddenly ill with a sickness which he knew was unto death, and breathed forth his soul, surrounded by the companions of his journey, amongst whom was Maguille, afterwards to be venerated as a saint and the founder of Monstrelet on the River Authie. He it was who assisted St. Fursey in his last moments, and celebrated the Mass of Requiem at his funeral.

    Meanwhile the saint had not forgotten his promise of making Duke Haymon aware of the time of his departure from this world, and so, just as Haymon was about to begin his midday meal, there appeared to him three figures bearing three lighted tapers, which they placed upon the table at which he was seated, and disappeared. Haymon at once called to mind the words of St. Fursey, and leaving his meal untouched hastened to Mezerolles, where he arrived in time to assist at the obsequies of the saint, in memory of which event it was customary for centuries to keep three candles burning before the shrine of St. Fursey whenever his sacred relics were exposed. St. Fursey died in the year 650. A dispute arose at the time of his death between Duke Haymon and Erchenwald, the Mayor of the Palace, as to which of them was to possess his mortal remains. This dispute was decided by both parties agreeing that two bullocks should be yoked to the bier on which his body reposed, and that wherever they should go that there the saint’s body should remain. The bullocks at once took the road towards Peronne, and ascending the Hill of Swans, stopped at the porch of the new basilica which Erchenwald had built for the saint and his monks. St. Eligius, or in French Eloi, who is venerated as the patron saint of goldsmiths and jewellers, and who was then living, made a shrine of precious metals in which the body of St. Fursey was preserved for 656 years, when St. Louis, King of France, on his return from his first crusade, had a new shrine made to contain the sacred relics, and himself assisted at their translation from the old shrine to the new one, on September 17, 1256.

    Here are the words of the official account of the translation of the body of St. Fursa: —

    In the year of the incarnation of our Lord 1256, 15 days before the Kalends of October (September 17), Sunday after the Octave of the Nativity of the Blessed Virgin Mary; in the presence of Monseigneur Louis, the illustrious King of France, and the Venerable Fathers, Vermonde, Bishop of Noyon, by the Grace of God; William, Bishop of Beauvois; Watier, Bishop of Tournai; Rudolf, Bishop of Therouanne, in the presence of many religious personages, abbots, etc., and a great number of Christians assembled there, was the translation of the glorious Confessor, St. Fursa, Patron of Peronne, effected, by the hands of the said Bishops in presence of the said King Louis, eye witness, and the precious relic has been laid and enclosed in a new shrine in the church of Peronne. In memory of which we, Louis, by the Grace of God, King of France, have here affixed our seal, with the seals of the above named Bishops.

    In the Annals of the Four Masters Peronne is styled ‘Cathair Fursa in France.’

    There can be no doubt that the chief glory of Peronne during all the Middle Ages and down to the eve of the French Revolution, beyond the fact of its impregnable strength as a fortress, was the great church of St. Furci, where his relics reposed. That church, like so many others, perished during the Revolution, but the relics of the saint were saved from destruction, and after being hidden during the Reign of Terror were finally placed in a chapel dedicated under the invocation of St. Furci in the church of St. John where they remain to the present day. Five years after his death St. Fursey was venerated as the patron saint of Peronne. His shrine was guarded by a collegiate chapter of Irish canons, visited by generations of pilgrims, and enriched by their offerings. To this day a large painting of St. Fursey, of great artistic merit, executed in the seventeenth century, is preserved in the town hall of Peronne. It bears this inscription: ‘Sanctus Furseus Peroneorum Patronus.’

    The Rue St. Furci still recalls the saint’s name, and over the altar in his chapel in the church of St. John stand three statues. In the midst is the saint himself, and on each side of him are his two brothers, St. Foillan and St. Ultan. A large stained-glass window at the back of the altar represents the chief events in the life of the saint, together with some of his miracles. His festival is kept on January 16. Lagny, near Paris, where the saint lived during nearly all the years of his sojourn in France, and where his abbey was founded on land granted from the royal domain of King Clovis II. in 645, five years before his death, became a nursery of saints during the remainder of the seventh and the early part of the eighth centuries. This abbey was destroyed by the invasion of the Northmen, who ascended the Marne at the beginning of the ninth century. It was rebuilt from its ruins in the eleventh century, and survived till the end of the eighteenth century, when it was finally destroyed during the French Revolution. St. Fursey is still the patron saint of the town of Lagny, and his holy well still supplies the fountain in the middle of the town from whence the townspeople still draw their water.

    St. Fursey ‘s two brothers, St. Foillan and St. Ultan found their way into Flanders, where they lived some time with St. Amand at Ghent. There they became acquainted with St. Gertrude, the abbess of Nivelles, of royal blood, who, after the foundation of her abbey, employed them in teaching Holy Scripture to her nuns, and in preaching in the country around Nivelles. She afterwards made a grant of land to St. Ultan between the Meuse and the Sambre, not far from Maestricht, where he built a monastery. Of the other companions of St. Fursey, two — St. Gobhan and St. Algise — have given their names to the French towns called after them, St. Gobain and St. Algise, not far from Laon, where there still lingers the memory of other companions of St. Fursey, who after sojourning at Laon penetrated finally into the Ardennes, where memorials of them still exist.

    In concluding this study of the lives and labours of St. Fursey and his companions it will be well to bear in mind the paramount importance attached by them, amidst all the passing events of their lives, to the one great work, transcending, in their estimation, all other works, the work of prayer. It was from the constant and habitual gravitation of their lives towards their true centre through prayer that they obtained light and strength to guide and sustain them in all their journeyings and labours. This, before all other works, they regarded, with St. Benedict, as the opus Dei, the ‘work of God,’ to which nothing was to be preferred. Prayer was ever the chief motive power of their lives.

    There is nothing that stands out more prominently in the history of the early Celtic saints than their passionate love for prayer, and their wondrous assiduity in praying. There is, perhaps, no more startling record in the Lives of the Saints than the account of the way in which these Celtic saints gave themselves to prayer: so much so, that many who read in the Life of St. Patrick how he recited every day the entire Psalter of 150 psalms, and adored God during each day with 300 genuflections, and 200 during each night, are inclined not to believe it, and to think it impossible. When, however, they find much the same kind of religious practices circumstantially recounted by various writers, independently of each other, concerning many others of the early Irish missionary saints in other lands, it becomes wellnigh impossible to doubt the existence of such practices amongst the Celtic saints in general.

    That the daily recital of the entire Psalter was the practice in the earlier ages of the Church cannot be doubted; for St. Benedict, in his rule, speaks of the custom of reciting the 150 psalms in the course of a week, which has been the groundwork ever since of the Roman Breviary, as a sign of the falling off of primitive fervour when monks were accustomed to the daily recital of the entire Psalter.

    For well over a thousand years have St. Fursey and his companion missionary saints been living in the light of the beatific vision in heaven. There we salute them with the genuine homage of a true devotion in Splendoribus sanctorum, sharing in the everlasting joy of their Lord, with whom ‘a thousand years are as one day, and one day as a thousand years.’

    W. H. KIRWAN.

    SOME CELTIC MISSIONARY SAINTS: ST FURSEY in Irish Ecclesiastical Record, Volume XXXII (1912), 170-187.

    Content Copyright © Omnium Sanctorum Hiberniae 2012-2016. All rights reserved.

  • Primitive Irish Monasteries III

    We conclude the trilogy of papers on early Irish monasticism by Father Jerome Fahy with his examination of its liturgical, musical and canonical traditions. He again takes the view that Saint Patrick was personally responsible for the introduction of some of these from the east and ends by proclaiming his pride in what he sees as a uniquely wonderful expression of Christianity in early medieval Ireland:

    PRIMITIVE IRISH MONASTERIES— No. III.

    “Ris reve mirabilis quod sic cum Deo perpetuo Collequobantur”

    IT should be unnecessary to add that those Sacred practices which form a necessary part of our holy religion are strongly inculcated in St. Ailbe’s Rule. Many would dwell with a particular pleasure on the evidences which this ancient document afford for showing that the Holy Mass, the practice of Confession, Prayers for the Dead, and the like, were for our ancestors over a thousand years ago, all that they are for us. We must, however, limit our remarks in this concluding paper, to the study of the recitation and chant of the Divine Office, as observed by our early monks. It is certain that the recitation of the Divine Office was regarded by them as a most important daily duty. In St. Ailbe’s Rule, it is even represented as amongst the most important. In Strophe 22 —

    “The perfect observance of the Canonical hours is reckoned as the chief rule.”

    And in another passage the religious is cautioned against a neglect of this important duty.

    ” The Canonical hours he should not neglect.”

    We are informed by a learned writer on this subject that the office recited then “was chiefly composed of Psalms and of lessons borrowed from the inspired writings of the Old and New Testament.” And we find in St. Ailbe’s Rule that the number of Psalms recited at Matins alone was thirty. We know on the authority of St Augustine, that in his time, as now, the “Venite Exultemus” was the prelude to the Canonical hours. Even the portions of the Canonical hours referred to in St. Ailbe’s Rule are designated “Matins,” “Tierce,” “None,” &c., as in our own times. It would also seem that the recitation of Matins for a particular day might be anticipated as in modern times; for we find it fixed for

    “The close and the beginning of the day.”

    The privilege of chanting the Divine Office was highly prized by the monks of our early Irish Church. No doubt they experienced those holy sentiments regarding Sacred Psalmody which caused St. Chrysostom to exclaim: ” Oh, wonderful goodness of Christ! The host of angels sing glory to God in Heaven! Choirs of men in the Churches imitate their chant on earth The same thrice holy hymn, which Seraphim chant in Heaven is sung by multitudes of men on earth. Earth unites with Heaven, and men form one choir with the angels”. And we may infer even from the legendary history of our Church, with what touching sweetness the Divine praises were chanted in those days.

    Carthage, afterwards celebrated as the holy founder of the Monastery of Lismore, was, while yet a boy, engaged in keeping his father’s flock; while thus occupied on a certain occasion, a Bishop with his retinue of Ecclesiastics passed by, engaged in singing the Divine praises. So enchanted was the youth by the Sacred melody, that he abandoned his herds, and followed the religious to their Monastery, where he was afterwards found by his anxious friends. When urged to return the boy refused ; and, resisting all entreaties, he added: ” I want but one thing, to learn the chant which I have heard sung by the saints of God.” Indeed we shall see that a love of Sacred music was widespread throughout Ireland in this early period, and that its practice was cherished and encouraged by our Monasteries.

    It should be remembered that a passionate love of music has been from the remotest periods an Irish National characteristic. That it had largely developed itself in the pagan period of our history, is a fact strongly attested by the learned O’Curry. He writes: ” If there ever was a people gifted with a musical soul and sensibility, in a higher degree than another, I would venture to assert that the Gael of ancient Erin were that people.” Extraordinary indeed must have been their success if, as O’Curry assures us, the attainments of the Ollamhs in music should be such that they could, by their musical strains move their hearers to tears or laughter, or cause them to sink into a delicious slumber, according to their good pleasure.

    The conversion of the nation, far from impeding largely, helped to cherish, develop, and consecrate this love of music. That it was actively encouraged by our National Apostle is proved by the Canons of a Synod celebrated by St Patrick, A.D. 450. The converted bards were amongst the most zealous in consecrating the art of music to the honour of religion and the glory of the one true God. As remarkable instances of this holy zeal, we might refer to Fiach, Bishop of Hetley, and to Duvach, Chief Poet of our first Christian King. There is therefore abundant evidence to show that from the earliest period of our Christian history Sacred music was assiduously cultivated in Ireland in our monasteries. Ireland was the instructor of the surrounding nations in music also, as in science : Caradoc and Venerable Bede declare that Wales and England are indebted to Ireland for their early knowledge of music. The same is incontestably true of Scotland. The Irish Missionaries invited to England by King Oswald, were careful to instruct their pupils in Sacred music throughout all the schools which they established among the Anglo-Saxons Nor was the duty of instructing in Sacred music committed solely to lay teachers, or even to the inferior clergy, it was frequently discharged by Abbots and by Bishops themselves. In the Bards they had also powerful and skilled assistants. The protection extended to that body through St. Columba, at the Convention of Dromceata, effected an enduring union between the Church and the Bardic order, while it secured for the Monasteries the most accomplished teachers of the sister arts of Poetry and Music

    In this connection it may be interesting to inquire to what extent instrumental music was utilised by our early Church. It is certain that in this country the Christian poet and pagan druid were alike familiar with the use of the harp. Our National Apostle learned to wake the melody of its chords. Following his example, many of our Abbots and bishops not merely loved its weird strains but became themselves skilled performers. St Kevin, of Glendalough, is referred to as an instance: and it is well known that the number of bishops and of other high ecclesiastical dignatories who at the period of the English invasion were skilled performers on the harp, elicited the unwilling admiration of Gerald Barry. It is much to be regretted that not even one specimen of those early harps has been preserved to us among the many priceless relics of that remote period, now happily treasured in our National Museum. O’Curry, writing upon this subject, says, with the true spirit of an enthusiast for our ancient music,” I confess I would rather have preserved the harp of the Apostle Patrick, or that of the gentle Kevin of Glendalough, which we know to have been so long preserved, than their bells, shrines, or crosses, or any other of their relics.”

    It was not for purposes of mere recreation that the ecclesiastics of our early Church devoted portions of their precious time to instrumental music. The most tender strains of their harps were inspired by their private devotions. But though instrumental music was regarded as commendable in domestic psalmody, it was not tolerated in the public services of religion in the early ages of the Church. And this prohibition, which continued in force for “more than six hundred years,” included even the harp. It was owing to the popular association of instrumental music with Jewish worship, and partly, too, owing to a knowledge of the base purposes to which it was degraded by paganism, that its use was strictly prohibited in the public worship of the early Church.

    But the simple chant of our primitive Church had a beauty of its own, through which the most sublime and sacred thoughts found harmonious expression — an expression which proved to be both the happy medium through which the soul might be wed to the elevating influence of religion, and the most tender piety find expression for its yearnings and its love. Indeed, such was the universally acknowledged influence of this simple religious chant, that in those Monasteries in which the inmates were sufficiently numerous, the Divine praises were publicly chanted without intermission, night and day. in such Monasteries the brethren were divided into seven choirs, each of which was to engage in turn, in choir duty; and thus the praises of the Most High were ever heard before the altars. This beautiful practice, known as the Laus Perennis, and worthy of the deep pity of our early saints, was observed in the Monasteries of Bangor, of Lismore, and Clonard. The three thousand monks of Bangor were, we are assured, divided into choirs of three hundred singers each. And when St. Columbanus founded his celebrated Monastery at Luxeil, he established there the same religious observance; so that the solitudes of the Vosges soon became familiar with the “voices of the monks, unwearied as those of angels,” in chanting their sacred anthems.

    Evidence reach us which show that the same practice prevailed in some of the earliest Monasteries of Egypt and Palestine. The sister of St. Gregory, of Nysa, devoted her days and nights to prayer and psalmody. A Syrian monk named Alexander, who died A.D. 430, founded a Monastery on the river Euphrates, and a second at Constantinople, in which this observance was maintained ; and such was the zeal of his monks in sustaining the Laus perennis that they received in consequence the designation of “Aermetes,” or the sleepless. In a life of St. Mary of Egypt, we are informed that the same practice was observed in a Monastery near the Jordan.

    It was perhaps inevitable that simultaneous efforts made for the development of music in different countries, and by individuals independent of each other, should lead to a diversity of method in sacred chant. Such diversity was naturally regarded as out of harmony with that spirit of unity which forms a striking characteristic even of the Church’s discipline. Hence, from an early period, the manner of chanting the Divine praises in the public churches was regulated, not merely by local custom, but also by positive ecclesiastical enactments. The most famous patriarchs of Monasticism also laboured zealously for the advancement of sacred music, and the establishment of uniformity. St. Athanasius laboured zealously at Alexandria, and Flavian laboured at Antioch for the promotion of the same object ; while the energies of St. Basil and St. Gregory Nasiansen were also directed to its advancement. It would appear that the system then advocated by St. Basil had much in common with that of Flavian, and was general from the Nile to the Euphrates.We think it extremely probable that the system of sacred chant prevalent in the East, was introduced into Europe wherever the rules and Monastic traditions of the East were accepted. In Europe, however, it must be said that it was the Ambrosian reform which first stamped sacred music with a character which, in course of time, became permanent and universally accepted. This harmonious uniformity effected at Milan, was soon after perfected at Rome by Pope Gregory, of holy memory. Indeed, admirable as were the reforms of St. Ambrose, it was the authority of the Pope alone which secured for it universal acceptance. Dr. Renehan, in his “History of Music,” refers to the Councils of Vannes, Gironne, Tours, Auxerre, and others, celebrated in the fifth and sixth centuries, the canons of which insist strongly on a uniformity in ”choral service.” The necessity of such decree would seem to argue that the acceptance of the Ambrosian reform was not as general on the Continent, even in the sixth century, as is generally believed. And hence we think it may be argued, that the opinion generally accepted, that St. Patrick introduced the Ambrosian chant to Ireland, may be fairly questioned. Dr. Renehan, who adopts the opinion, and who by its adoption gives it perhaps its highest sanction, states that our Apostle was instructed in that system at Tours. Contrary to his custom, however, he quotes no authority for this statement. On the other hand, we think it can be shown, by reference to accessible evidences regarding the character of our primitive Irish chant, that it had much in common with the sacred chant prevalent in the early Eastern Church. It shall be also seen that in the liturgical remains of our primitive Church, there are no evidences of Ambrosian reform.

    It is admittedly difficult to form a correct idea of the musical tones adopted in the service of the early Church The broad fact of its extreme simplicity is, however, well established. Few of the Eastern Fathers laboured more assiduously for the cultivation of Sacred music, than did St Athanasius. Of the character of the Sacred Chant which he established at Alexandria, St Augustine speaks in the following words : ”The psalms were chanted with so slight an inflection of the voice, that it was more like reading than singing.” Dr. Renehan insinuates that each composer adopted the system prevalent in the particular province or country in which he lived ; and that therefore the Greek system of music was very commonly used in the early Eastern Church. Indeed the rules of Grecian and Roman melody would have been lost to us, had they not been embodied in the hymns of the Catholic Church, and in her ”Canto firmo,” which still supplies a nearer approximation, and a more useful clue to the musical system of the Greeks than any other record of antiquity extant.”

    The foregoing quotations may aid the reader in estimating that simplicity which formed one of the chief characteristics of the music of the early Church. Now in estimating the character of primitive Sacred music in Ireland, it is a fact worthy of special notice, that the characters used by the Irish for writing their music resembled the musical accents of the Greeks, “which the Irish are said to have learned from the early Latin clergy.” Dr. Sullivan, in his laboured introduction to O’Curry, seems to imply, that in early Irish music the same affinity to classic melody may be traced. And considering the fact that Ireland received her Monastic rules from the East through Gaul, it is not unnatural to suppose that the Sacred Chant which our Apostle had learned at Tours, was that with which SS. Athanasius and Cassian had made the West familiar. And this opinion receives additional confirmation from an ancient ” Tract on various Liturgies,” fortunately published in Dr. Moran’s valuable essays. It has merited the attention of Usher, as well as of modern scholars. It is said to have been copied from a manuscript supposed to belong to the seventh century. Under the title of “Cursus Scotorum,” it speaks at considerable length of the Irish Liturgy. It tells us that it originated with the Evangelist, St. Mark, by whom it was spread throughout Egypt and Italy; and that it was adopted in the East by St. Gregory and St. Basil, St. Anthony, St. Paul, and the early monks. It was subsequently introduced into Lerins by St.Cassian and St. Honoratus, where it was still followed when St. Germanus — one of the principal Masters of our Apostle in spiritual life — was a student there. St. Patrick adopted the same Liturgy, and by him it was “CHANTED ” in Ireland.

    It is very noteworthy that Mc Geoghegan advances the same opinion, and quotes Usher in support of his views. ”The first and most ancient Liturgy of this new Church,” (writes M’Geoghegan) ”took its origin from St. Mark. It was introduced into Provence, Languedoc, and some other provinces by St. Cassian and St. Honoratus, St Germanus and St. Lupus established it in Gaul: and St. Patrick brought it into Ireland, where it has been scrupulously observed by his disciples.” We can conclude therefore, if not with certainty, at least with a high degree of probability, that the sources from which our Apostle received his knowledge of Sacred Chant were the same from which he received his knowledge of Liturgy ; that his knowledge of Liturgy and Sacred Chant reached him through the most celebrated patriarchs of Monasticism in the East. And if our early Christian art and architecture, our early Monastic rules and Monastic observances, bear upon them the impress of Eastern influence, it is not strange that our early Ecclesiastical Chant should have much in common with the system of Sacred Chant prevalent in the East, and with which the West was made familiar through Cassian and Athanasius. The esteem in which those holy men were held at Rome, and throughout the West, was at once the source and explanation of their influence.

    It is hardly necessary to advance any proofs for the purpose of showing that in the remains of our early Irish liturgy, no evidence of the Ambrosian reforms can be discovered.

    The Missal of St. Columbanus is justly regarded as amongst the most ancient and valuable of the interesting memorials of our Early Church. It was in the beginning of the last century pronounced by Mabillon to be more than a thousand years old. The opinion of the learned Bishop of Ossory regarding this venerable memorial of our Early Liturgy, may be cited here, both for its intrinsic interest, and for the light which it casts on the subject of our inquiry. “Everything connected with it,” he says, “bespeaks its Irish origin: its material writing is that of the ancient Scotic school ; its special forms of Latinity, are those peculiar to Irish writers; its multiplicity of prayers was a characteristic feature of the Irish Liturgy; whilst its penitential Canons strikingly and unmistakably proclaim its origin in our island. In a word, the whole Missal attests its connection with St. Columbanus, and probably it was used by him in his Monasteries of Luxieu and Bobbio, to both of which, as is recorded by a writer of the seventh century, he bequeathed the Irish Liturgy.” Mabillon, indeed, contends that its origin is Gallican; and proves that it was not Ambrosian. But while thus asserting the claims of the Church of Gaul to the Missal, “the learned Benedictine candidly acknowledges that in many important points it was entirely at variance with every text known to represent the Gallican Liturgy.” Dr. Moran, however, urges with much force, that it was natural certain points of affinity should exist between the Irish Liturgy and those known to us as Gallican. Considering our Apostle’s connection with the great Saints of Gaul, who were his masters in sacred learning, and as St. Germanus and St. Martin of Tours were in communication with the Holy See it was natural perhaps inevitable, that the knowledge of liturgy which our apostle should receive from them should combine many features common to the approved liturgies of Rome and Gaul. “Now,” continues Dr, Moran, “the liturgy of Bobbio is precisely such as we should expect to arise from a combination of Gaul and Rome, retaining the chief prayers and Canon of Rome, and adopting from the Gallican Liturgy, all that it had most beautiful in its outward arrangement of the Sacred Festivals.”

    The Stowe Missal may be referred to as a still more ancient monument of our Early Liturgy. Dr. Todd considered that it might be regarded older that the sixth century. And he even thinks it not impossible that it may have been the Missal of St. Ruadhan, who died A.D. 584. It is particularly note-worthy that the Stowe Missal strikingly coincides with that of Bobbio. “Indeed,” writes Dr. Moran, “the coincidence of the Bobbio Missal with that of Stowe is so frequent and so striking, that it supplies a clear proof of the question which we are examining.” This similarity of character clearly argues identity of origin. Our learned men, therefore can trace no affinity whatever between the Ambrosian and Early Irish Liturgies. These facts must be regarded as a strong negative argument to show that the Liturgy which St. Patrick ” CHANTED ” in Ireland was not Ambrosian.

    The simplicity which I have already referred to as a striking characteristic of early Church music, is not, perhaps, likely to be duly appreciated in modem times. Yet, simple as it was, it was capable of exciting the highest and purest emotions of the soul. Now its tones come upon the ear softly as the whisperings of a ”gentle breeze;” or as the breaking of the wavelets on the shores of some sheltered bay. Again they would swell in power and volume, till they recall the deep and far-sounding murmurs of the ocean. Borne aloft, as it were, on the wings of hope, the ” congregational Amen” bursts upon the ear like a thunder peal, as if conscious of the all-sufficient power of earnest, heartfelt prayer. Such were some of the qualities of early Church music which even St. Ambrose and St Jerome considered worthy of special notice, and which may we think, be fittingly referred to here. Its powerful pleadings were frequently attested by the penitent’s tears, and by the joy with which it filled holy souls. Its sacred power proved an effective means of elevating the will, and of intensifying the longings of the soul for the pure and enduring harmonies of the New Jerusalem. Such, however, are results which the far more complex development of modern music can but seldom flatter itself on effecting.

    We have written at greater length than we intended on this important subject, and yet we feel that our sketch of early monastic life in Ireland is very incomplete. We have left many things unsaid, which might with interest be referred to, if space permitted. Yet in our brief review of the lives of austere penance — of poverty and constant prayer — of heroic devotion to the claims of charity — of unselfish interest in the religious and social well-being of Eruope — led by our early monks — we have, perhaps, said enough to establish the justice of the record of their triumphs, which we read with pride in the Litanies of Aengus and in the Martyrologies of Talaght and Donegal. The strength and character of the Nation’s supernatural life was shown by its wonderful religious activity, and by the grand results of its elevating and energising influence. And though the brightness of that period was frequently-obscured by the crimes of ambitious chiefs, and of their turbulent followers — in a word, by such blemishes as are inseparable from human history — still we shall look in vain among the nations for the counterpart of the picture which Ireland presents in the early centuries of her Christian history. J. A. F.

    THE IRISH ECCLESIASTICAL RECORD, Vol. 4 (1883), 508-517

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  • Primitive Irish Monasteries II

    We continue the series on early Irish monasticism by Father Jerome Fahy with a paper looking at the contribution made by monastic schools to learning, art and literature. His pride in these achievements comes across, even if modern scholars have questioned the Irish credentials of Sedulius, author of A solis ortus cardine. The author does not shy away though from laying out the realities of the monastic rule and ends by crediting Saint Patrick personally for giving Irish monasticism its eastern-style ascetic character.

    PRIMITIVE IRISH MONASTERIES.— No. II.

    “Insula Sanctorum et Doctorum.”

    THE Chief Schools of Ireland were Monastic. It must, however, be remembered that after the convention of Drom Ceata there were established several secular schools, which retained, at the same time, a strictly Christian character. For the maintenance of such schools the State made generous provision. They were generally placed under the control of the Bards.

    The privileges then guaranteed by law to the Bards were very important. The chief poet ranked next to the king. At the royal table his place was next the monarch. He was provided with a stud of six horses, and allowed a large retinue to whom the doors of the nobles of the land were always hospitably open. In the Chieftain’s territory he could claim annually as emoluments thirty cows and the grass. And such was the esteem in which the Bards were held, that the high privilege of personal sanctuary was conceded to them.

    The qualifications which the State required in the chief masters of their schools, were high and varied. They should be familar with the Gaedhlic literature in prose and poetry. They should be also learned in the languages of ancient Greece and Rome, and familiar with the Sacred Scriptures. Under the control of the Head Master the law made provision for the following staff: —

    1. For a ” fifty man,” whose duty it was to chant one hundred and fifty psalms daily.

    2. For a scholar, who taught ten of the twelve books of the regular college course.

    3. For a historian, who professed history and some parts of Divinity.

    4. For a lecturer, who professed Grammar, Geography, Criticism, Enumeration, and Astronomy.

    The full course of studies followed in primitive Irish Schools, extended over a period of twelve years. It is, however, right to add, that this course while extending to the highest grades of knowledge, included the merest elementary studies. During several years of this protracted course, tales and poems are found as constantly recurring subjects of study. Many of those poems and tales were historical. It was the last year of the course that was exclusively devoted to the study of oratory and poetry.

    This somewhat protracted study of ancient tales and poems, may appear to some a great waste of time. It should, however, be remembered that many of those tales and poems were historical; and were regarded by such authorities as Flan of Monasterboice, as valuable sources of information. Any attempts at falsifying their contents, were visited with severe penalties. In the case of Brehons or Ollamhs it entailed forfeiture for life of all the valuable privileges attaching to their offices. Sometimes indeed the introduction of much that is purely imaginative, seems to mar their historical value. And yet it may be argued that the love of an imaginative people for the ideal, may be gratified in the minor incidents of historical narratives, without affecting the historical value of the leading events. Even O’Curry is of this opinion; but he adds that there are many of those tales from which those elements of the supernatural and ideal are carefully excluded.

    The Monastic Schools of Ireland were, however, its chief centres of Education. The languages of Greece and Rome were studied with a passionate ardour within these peaceful inclosures. Many of the extant compositions of the monks of the period evince graces of style, often perhaps marred by pedantry, but still highly creditable considering the period. Such portions of the writings of Sedulius and Columba as have reached us, would alone establish the cultivation of the ancient languages in Ireland at that early age. The Paschal work of Sedulius, written in heroic verse, was favourably noticed by the Fathers of a Council celebrated at Rome under Pope Gelasius. Some of the hymns of this holy and learned Irishman have been favoured with a permanent place in the Church’s liturgy. Such is the hymn: 


    —”A solis ortus cardine”

    sung at lauds in the office of the Nativity. Who can read the beautiful introit of the Masses of the Blessed Virgin—”Salve Sancta parens” — and not be struck as well by the elegant latinity as by the deep piety of the same writer? Probably the most candid and competent critics of the 19th century would agree with St. Ildephonsus of Toledo, in his estimate of Sedulius, and style him ” Bonus ille Sedulius poeta evangelicus, orator faoundus, scriptor catholicus.”

    St. Columba, too, was passionately devoted to poetry; but he prefered to clothe his rich imagery and wealth of thought, in the language of his country rather than in that of the Church. Of the several poems which he composed in the Irish language, eleven were extant in the days of Father Colgan, on none of which is it necessary for us to dwell.

    We find that he also composed some Latin poems. One of those — the “Altus,” referred to by St. Columba himself as “My holy Altus,” was deemed worthy of praise many centuries ago by Pope Gregory. It has been recently published by a scholar of our own day. We think that most readers will be struck by the vigorous and graphic reproduction of scripture imagery which it exhibits. The following we would present to the reader as a fair specimen of its imagery and versification: —

    Regis Regum rectissimi
    Prope est dies Domini,
    Dies irae et vindictae
    Tenebrarum et nebulae
    Dies quoque augustiae
    Maeroris ac tristitiae, &c.

    It is true that the foregoing and other passages in the poem, we may look in vain for the classic beauties of Sedulius or the literary graces which are found in every line of the poems of Venantius Fortunatus.Though in common with most others we are struck with the sombre beauty which several passages present, we await with deep interest the estimate which the modem critical world may form of this remarkable memorial of the past, which has been recently placed before the public through the learned labours of the Marquis of Bute.

    Columbanus, also, his extraordinary missionary labours notwithstanding, found time to compose many remarkable works in the Latin tongue. Amongst those, his book against Arianism is styled by a certain writer a work of ” flowery eradition.” The classic beauties of his poetical Epistle, which he wrote at the advanced age of seventy-two, have been deservedly eulogised. In harmony of metre, and elevation of Christian sentiment, the following couplet from that composition may well be classed among the gems of Christian poetry : —

    ”Omnia praetereunt, fugit irreperabile tempos”
    ” Vive vale laetus, tristique memento senectae.”

    St Columbanus also wrote in the same language a commentary on the Psalms. Nor was he the only Irish Monk of the period who wrote on this portion of the Sacred Scriptures. A fragment of a commentary on the Psalms written by St Caimin of Inis Cealtra, on the Shannon, is still extant, and it is believed to be in the very handwriting of the author.

    But the studies of our primitive monks in the ancient languages were not confined to sacred subjects. They also made themselves familiar with the classic authors of the Augustan age. “They explained Ovid; they copied Virgil; they devoted themselves especially to Greek literature.” Such indeed was their peculiar taste for Greek that they sometimes wrote their Latin works in Greek characters.

    Among the literary curiosities of that age, which have fortunately survived the wreck of centuries, is a copy of Horace written in Irish characters. It was discovered at Berne; and has been pronounced “Antiquissimus omnium quotquot adhuc innotuerunt.”

    We may well be surprised at the spirit of independent inquiry with which our early monks entered on the investigation of even abstruse scientific problems. In illustration of my meaning I may refer to St. Virgilius, who, contrary to the almost universally received opinion of his time, and undeterred by the hostility which a misapprehension of the the character of his teaching excited against him at Rome, boldly maintained the spherical form of the Earth. In truth one knows not which to admire more in Virgilius, his apostolic zeal, his profound theological knowledge, or his successful study of obscure scientific problems. Surely the varied attainments os such a scholar point suggestively to the schools in which his gifted mind had been moulded and his knowledge acquired. But such cursory references to the learning of the period as the limited space of our article renders imperative, can convey but a shadowy picture of the extent, variety, and worth of the teachings of our monastic schools during the first three centuries of our Christian history. We cannot, however, pass away from this portion of our subject without reference, however brief, to other labours of an important kind, which engaged much of the attention of our early monks.

    It is well known that monks laboured zealously from the earliest period, for the preservation and multiplication of books, by carefully made copies. Indeed the extent to which manuscript copies of the Holy Gospels, and of other portions of the Sacred Scripture, were multiplied in Ireland, is simply astonishing. Saint Degan is said to have transcribed with his own hand, as many as three hundred copies of the Gospels. The artistic beauty with which many of those manuscripts were executed, is regarded by competent art critics of our own times as absolutely marvellous. The Book of Kells, a manuscript attributed to the sixth century, is unrivalled. The lapse of centuries has not dimmed the brilliancy of its glowing colours. Its unique ornamentation has elicited flattering encomiums from scholars of European fame. Mr. J. D. Westwood, a learned Englishman, and the author of “Paleographia sacra pictoria,” writes: ” Ireland may be justly proud of the Book of Kells. The copy of the Gospels traditionally said to have belonged to St. Columba is unquestionably the most elaborately executed manuscript of early art now in existence,” And again he writes: “At a period when the fine arts may be said to be almost extinct in Italy and other parts of the Continent, the art of ornamenting manuscripts had attained a perfection almost miraculous in Ireland . . . The invention and skill displayed, the neatness, precision, and delicacy, far surpass all that is to be found in ancient manuscripts executed by continental artista.” Another equally flattering is the estimate which Dr. Keller of Zurich formed of Irish Caligraphy. “It must be admitted,” he writes, “that Irish Caligraphy in that stage of its development which produced those examples, had attained a high decree of cultivation, which certainly did not result from the genius of single individuals, but from the emulation of numerous schools of writing, and the improvement of several generations.” Hence we find Mr. Brash boldly maintaining that the origin of this art of illumination which in Ireland attained its highest degree of perfection in the sixth century, must have been prior to the introduction of Christianity to our country. However that may be, the purely Irish origin of this art is attested by Dr. Keller, Digby Wyatt, and other eminent archaeologists. And here again analogies at once interesting and striking, have been observed between the Irish and Eastern systems of ornamentation. We again cite the words of Ferdinand Keller, “That the Irish system of ornamentation does actually find an analogy in Eastern countries, is proved by the illustrations published by C. Knight in a small work on Egypt. We then find the serpentine bands of the Irish ornaments appearing already in the earliest Egyptian and Ethiopic manuscripts, and with a similarity of colour and combination truly astonishing.”

    The art of carving in wood and metal, was also successfully cultivated in our early monasteries. The same St. Dagan, who laboured so assiduously in copying the Holy Scriptures, is said to have carved three hundred crosiers, and to have made as many bells. Many of the ancient bells, crosiers, and reliquaries, now preserved in the Museum of the Royal Irish Academy, illustrate the remarkable degree of success to which this art had then attained. Referring to those evidences of the civilisation of a remote past, O’Curry justly observes: ” Many of those articles exhibit a high degree of skill in the workmanship, great beauty of design, and most delicate finish of all the parts.”He also adds that any description would be inadequate to convey a true idea of their beauty. I do not wish to be understood as intending to imply that such artistic gems as the Cross of Cong, or the Shrine of St. Patrick’s copy of the Gospels, or the celebrated and sacred battle-standard of the Northern Princes, belong to the period under review. Neither can I join in the admiration sometimes too profusely lavished on the style and finish of our early bells.But while they exhibit a lower degree of artistic taste, of beauty, and originality of design, and perfection of finish, then do our early illuminated MSS., still they speak highly of the skill of our carvers in metal in so remote an age. Additional proofs might easily be cited to establish the successful results of the labours of our primitive monasteries in the departments referred to. The testimony of Montalambert is so flattering, and of such undoubted authority, that I shall quote it here without apology. “There” he says, “were trained an entire population of philosophers, of writers, of architects, of carvers, of painters, of caligraphers, of musicians, poets, and historians.

    This fruitful activity, with which art and the sciences were cultivated by our early monks, proved no hindrance to their acquiring the still higher science of the saints. Though our Monasteries were practically universities of a world-wide fame, in which profane sciences were taught with marked success, they were sanctuaries as well, in the pure and sacred atmosphere of which, souls were able to soar to the most sublime heights of sanctity. Nor were the evidences of this confined to Ireland. It manifested itself in extending the epapire of the Church, and in building up effectually what the barbarians had destroyed. And theirs is a fame the lustre of which has not been dimmed by time. Franconia cherishes the memory of the martyred Bishop St, Killian; while at Salsburg, Virgilius, another Irishman, is held in imperishable veneration. Spain honours our St. Sedulius; while France and Italy vie in doing honour to the memory of the austere Columbanus and others. To enumerate the names of those who are honoured as saints in England and Scotland, would prove tedious here. At home the large number of saints of that period is attested by our Martyrologies, by the well-attested facts of their austere penitential observances, and their almost incessant devotional practices. Their earnestness was unaffected; their spirit of self-denial was heroic; their faith was simple and profound. To us who live in an age of self-indulgence and material self-seeking, the arduous duties of their daily lives would seem impossible of fulfilment. But we possess authentic records which show the scrupulous docility with which those duties were observed, and which proclaim to every age the instructive history of their holy lives.

    Some of the most ancient of our Irish Monastic roles are fortunately extant, and make us familiar with the duties daily observed by our early monks. The complete rule of of St Ailbe of Emly, published by a learned contributor to the old series of the IRISH ECCLESIASTICAL RECORD, is a document of undoubted authenticity and authority. It takes us back to the time when Celtic Monasticism was at its height, under the immediate disciples of our National Apostle, and reveals to us the true character of Monastic life in that early and famous period. In the words of the eminent writer in the ECCLESIASTICAL RECORD already referred to, “it tells us the principles which guided the monks in the practice of religions perfection; it sets before them the daily routine of community life; it mentions the various superiors, their spiritual dunes, the virtues to be practised, the faults to be shunned ; it descends to the minutest details connected with the religious; and gives even the quantity and the quality of the food to be used at their frugal repasts.”

    The rule of St. Columbanus casts additional light on this interesting subject. The fundamental principles of Christian perfection, as they are found in the Gospels, and are inculcated by the examples of the saints, are clearly enjoined. Hence, we find that poverty, chastity, and obedience, were regarded as the strong triple basis on which our primitive monks would raise the structure of evangelical perfection. For speaking alone with a woman, St. Columbanus imposed on the monk guilty of that offence, a fast of two days on bread and water. On a monk who might be guilty of the violation of his vow, a fast of six years on bread and water was imposed, while the years of his penances were to continue for four years longer. Like rigorous penances were imposed for similar offences by the penitential of St. Cummian. St. Ailbe’s rule inculcates obedience to ”The chaste rule of the monks.”

    And, again, in Strophe 33, of the same rule, the monk is required to be ” holy and pure of heart.” In Strophe 46, it is enacted that women be strictly excluded from the monastery. Indeed, we know that the manner in which the law of celibacy was observed throughout Ireland merited the eulogies of Venerable Bede; even centuries later, it elicited the far more unwilling admiration of the hostile Gerald Barry.

    The strict observance of obedience must have been essential to the existence of the vast communities common at the period. Hence its observance is strongly inculcated by St Ailbe in the 13th Strophe of his rule —

    ” Let not Satan take thee in his ways;
    Be submissive to every one who is over you.”

    The slightest violation of this duty of obedience was cause. Nor were the brethren free to transfer their allegiance capriciously, from one superior to another. The discipline of our primitive monasteries required that a monk could not pass from one monastery to another without cause. It was only when the cause of religion or charity, called away special members of any community, that the necessary dispensations were given.

    The poverty of those communities may be estimated not so much from their renunciation of earthly goods, as from the austerity of their lives. Nor do I hesitate to add that the extraordinary austerities practised in our early monasteries constitute another unique feature in their history. And if we take into account the severity of our climate, we should not hesitate in stating that those austerities have seldom been equalled, never surpassed, in the Church’s experience of monastic discipline.

    A solitary daily meal had to supply the wants of failing nature; and this was supplied at None. Bread and water, with a slice of honeycomb, constituted the usual fare. The seniors were allowed the additional simple luxuries of mead and water cresses. This rule was relaxed only in favour of the sick, who were allowed the use of flesh meat. St Columbanus, filled with that austere spirit with which he was imbued at Bangor, regulated the food of his monks with at least equal seventy, in the many continental monasteries of which he was the founder.


    The bell tolled at None to summon the brethren from the Church to the refectory.

    ”When the Beatus has ceased at the altar,
    Let the bell for the refectory be heard.”— Strophe 85.

    After this daily meal the bell summoned them once more to the Church for thanksgiving

    ”To the King who giveth food.”

    Thus the varied duties of the monks seem to have been arranged with a rigid regard to order; and the sound of the bell — as in modern communities — gave notice of the time set aside for each duty.

    The strict observance of silence justly regarded as essential to holy recollection, was also enjoined in our early monasteries. From its observance the superior was exempt. The obligation is thus inculcated in the 23rd Strophe of St. Ailbe’s rule.

    ” Except you be a ruler (abbot) or vice abbot,
    ‘Till the hour of one you speak not.
    Afterward for those who perform penance,
    Each one in his silence shall be silent.”

    Amongst the other practices which give a distinctive character to early Irish monastic life, I may mention that of frequent genuflections. This somewhat singular practice of daily genuflections is thus prescribed in St. Ailbe’s rule, Strophe 17:—

    ”A hundred genuflections at the Beatus,
    A hundred genuflections every evening. ”

    Certain prostrations are also prescribed. A prostration at the Church door is permitted. Strophe 27. Three prostrations are prescribed on arriving at the Chancel, Strophe 25. This peculiar religious observance seems to have been recommended to the Irish by the practice of St. Patrick himself. We are informed by his biographers, that he daily practised hundreds of genuflections. A practice thus consecrated by our Apostle was naturally copied by his spiritual children. Hence we find this habit of frequent genuflections mentioned by St. Cumin of Connor, as among St Jarlath’s penitential practices.

    ”Jarlath, the illustrious, loved,
    Three hundred genuflections each day,
    Three hundred genuflections each night.”

    Nor was this religious observance confined to Ireland. We find it recommended by the Fathers of a Council celebrated at Clevesho, in England, A.D. 747. It was practised in the East long before. Even prior to the advent of St. Patrick to our shores, these prostrations are known to have constituted a remarkable portion of the penitential exercises of St. Simon Stylites.

    Some learned writers suppose that our early monks did not adopt a particular form of monastic dress. And yet we think it is not easy to reconcile such an opinion with the spirit of that exact and comprehensive code of discipline, which, as we have seen, regulated for them the minutest actions of their daily life. We know that our primitive monks rigidly adhered to a special form of tonsure. There can be little doubt that St. Patrick received at Tours the habit worn by St Martin’s disciples, which, according to Sulpicius Severus, was of camel’s hair. Indeed Dr. Lombard distinctly tells us that our Apostle received the monastic habit from St. Martin’s hands, the colour of which he states was white. That he retained this habit in Ireland must be highly probable; and seems to harmonize with and explain a passage in the Tripartite in which the angel on Croagh Patrick refers to the hairs on St. Patrick’s “Casula”. We are also informed by Dr. Lombard that our Irish monks continued to copy the example of their great model by wearing simple habits of undyed wool.

    We find our early monks reverently and faithfully copying our great Apostle in everything; adhering with an almost superstitious reverence to his religious observances. We shall have occasion to consider in our next paper, an additional interesting proof of the same spirit, in their love for the Sacred chant in which he instructed our ecclesiastics.

    J. A. Fahy.

    THE IRISH ECCLESIASTICAL RECORD, Vol. 4 (1883), 348-368

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