Tag: Irish Ecclesiastical Record

  • Liturgical Fragments from the Early Celtic Church II: The Stowe Missal

    Following yesterday’s posting on the Book of Deer, now we come to the second item in the series which examines the Stowe Missal. The Missal includes a complete copy of the Gospel of Saint John, the Ordo of the Mass, The Ordo Baptismi, and an Old Irish tract on the Mass. The article features a discussion of each of these elements, and Orthodox readers will be interested to see that the original text of the Creed did not include the filioque, but that this was added by a later hand. There is also an account of the fate of one of the patrons associated with the Missal, Donnchadh, son of the famous king Brian Boru, who was said to have brought both his father’s royal crown and a copy of the ancient canons of the Irish church on his penitential pilgrimage to Rome. I wonder what became of those items?

    LITURGICAL FRAGMENTS FROM THE EARLY CELTIC CHURCH.
    II. THE STOWE MISSAL.
    THE venerable MS. of the early Irish Church, known as the Stowe Missal, formed part of the Stowe collection, and is now preserved in the rich library of Lord Ashburnham. Like other MSS. which were written by our sainted fathers, or at least were hallowed by their touch, it has been from a very early time regarded with religious veneration, and enshrined in a cumhdach, or costly covering, adorned with silver plates and precious stones. The latest antiquary who had the privilege of examining the venerable shrine in which it is enclosed, thus writes: “It is a stout oaken box, overlaid every- where with silver plates curiously wrought, garnished with niello ornamentation, and inscribed with several names, telling of the royal personages who, by their munificence, contributed to its adornment, or of those who lent their individual handicraft for that purpose.”
    For all details regarding the ornamentation of the ancient cumhdach I must refer the reader to the valuable papers on the subject by Dr. O’Conor, in his “Stowe Catalogue,” and Dr. Todd in the “Transactions of Royal Irish Academy.”
    The older inscriptions on the shrine date from the middle of the eleventh century. They begin with invoking ” THE BLESSING OF GOD ON EVERY SOUL WHO DESERVES IT.” Then they ask “A PRAYER FOR DONNCHADH, SON OF BRIAN, KING OF IRELAND.” ” AND FOR MAC-RAITH-HU-DONNCHADHA. KlNG OF CASHEL.” Only one other of the ancient inscriptions is now legible. It is “A PRAYER FOR DUNCHADH O’TACCAIN, OF THE MUINTIR OF CLUAIN, WHO EXECUTED THIS WORK.” The word muintir, which literally means family, here, as invariably in similar construction, signifies a religious community, or monastery. The name of Donchadh O’Taccan, or O’Tagan, does not occur elsewhere in our religious annals. “Of this Donchadh O’Tagan,” writes Dr. Todd, ” we know nothing except what we learn from this inscription, that he was of the religious society of Clonmacnoise, and that he was the artist by whom this ornamented and costly box was made for the preservation of the venerable MS., which it contains.”
    King Donnchadh, son of the celebrated Brian Boroimhe, not satisfied with the royal diadem of Munster, assumed the title of King of Ireland in the year 1026, in which year he invaded Leinster and carried off hostages from Meath and Bregia, as also from the Danes of Dublin, and the men of Ossory. Many of our annalists, however, refuse him this title of King of Ireland, partly on account of his crimes; partly, too, because there were throughout his reign other claimants to the chief kingship of our island. In the year 1064 he was not only deprived of this title, but was moreover driven from his own kingdom of Munster, as we learn from the following entry of the Annals of Tighernach : ” Donnchadh, son of Brian Boroimhe, King of Munster, was deposed, and went to Rome in pilgrimage, where he died after the victory of penitence, in the monastery of Stephen”. This monastery of St. Stephen, in Rome, stood on the site of the old pagan temple of Cacus, close by the modern Minerva, and was specially allotted to the pilgrims who from distant countries flocked to Rome to offer their prayers at the shrines of the Apostles. At the time of which we speak the monastery was in charge of the Benedictine monks, but soon after passed into other hands.
    At present there is no memorial there to mark the spot where rests the son of the great monarch Brian. The Annals of Ulster also mark the year 1064 for the deposition of Donnchadh : “Donnchadh O’Brien, deposed from his crown, went to Rome in his pilgrimage.” The ” Chronicon Scotorum” places this event in 1061 : “Donnchadh, son of Brian, was dethroned, and he went to Rome on his pilgrimage, and died in penitence, viz., in the monastery of Stephen”. The “Annals of Clonmacnoise” assign the year 1063 : ” Donnogh MacBrian Boroimhe was king, as some say, and was soon deposed again, and he went to Rome to do penance, because he had a hand in the killing of his own elder brother, Teig MacBrian. He brought the crown of Ireland with him thither Donnogh MacBrian died in pilgrimage in the abbey of St. Stephen the Protomartyr”. It is the tradition, that together with the royal crown of his father, Donogh O’Brien brought with him to Rome a copy of the ancient Book of Canons of the Irish Church.
    MacRaith, King of Cashel, mentioned in the above inscription, succeeded Donnchadh as King of Cashel, when the latter assumed the sovereignty of Ireland. The annalists who refuse to Donnchadh the title of King of Ireland, refuse also to style MacRaith the King of Cashel, giving him only his earlier rank of king, or chieftain of the Eoghanacht-Caisil. Tighernagh, when commemorating his death, gives him the title of heir apparent to the throne of Munster: ” A.D. 1052, MacRaith O’ Donnchadha, King of the Eoghanacht of Cashel, heir apparent, King of Munster, died.” MacRaith in the inscription, as in the entry just referred to, is called Mac-Donnchadha, i.e., grandson of Donnchadh, King of Munster, who died in the year 962.
    That the inscriptions on the shrine of which we speak were made during the lifetime of Donnchadh O’Brien and Mac-Raith, may be assumed as certain. No prayer is asked for their souls, as is usual in such inscriptions for deceased benefactors ; and moreover, as Dr. Todd remarks, ” it is not very likely, from their subsequent history, that so costly a relic would have borne mention of them with their regal titles, after their death.” Thus, then, we may safely conclude that this rich case was made for the Stowe Missal between the years 1023, when Donnchadh assumed the title of King of Ireland, and 1052, when MacRaith died.
    Three hundred years from the death of Donnchadh the shrine was repaired and re-adorned. One of the later inscriptions asks “A PRAYER FOR PHILIP O’KENNEDY, THE KING OF ORMOND, WHO COVERED THIS SHRINE, AND FOR AINI, HIS WIFE.” The death of this royal chieftain of Ormond is thus registered in the “Annals of the Four Masters:”A.D. 1381, Philip O’Kennedy, Lord of Ormond, and his wife Aine, daughter of MacNamara, died.” Another inscription of the same date adds: “A PRAYER FOR GILLARUADHAN O’ MACAN, THE COMHARB, BY WHOM THIS WAS COVERED.” The omission of the name of the monastery to which Gillaruadhan belonged as well as his own name, servant of St. Ruadhan, seems to imply that he was Abbot in the district of which O’Kennedy was chieftain that is to say, he was comharb of St. Ruadhan, in the famous monastery of Lothra (now Lorha), situated in Lower Ormond, which was also called O’ Kennedy’s country.
    When the outward shrine, with its silver plates and other precious ornaments, has come down to us from the first half of the eleventh century, we may justly conclude that even at that remote date the MS. which it contained was considered a venerable relic of our early Church an heirloom of the great founder of the monastery in which it was preserved. The intrinsic evidence and the style of writing of the MS. itself, confirm this conclusion : ” It is by no means impossible,” writes Dr. Todd, ” that the MS. contained in this box may have been the original Missal of St. Ruadhan himself, the founder of the monastery of Lothra, who died A.D. 584. . . . The original MS. was written in an ancient Lombardic character, which may well be deemed older than the sixth century” (loc. cit, page 16). This distinguished antiquarian has also observed that portions of the MS. are written in a second and much later hand ; and at page 71 of the MS., at the end of the Canon of the Mass, the name of this second scribe is given : ” Maolcaich.” “This name,” adds Dr. Todd, ” is certainly Irish, and belongs to an early period of our history, when the names of Paganism were still retained” (page 18). Subsequently, commenting on a statement of O’ Conor, in regard to a particular passage which should necessarily be referred to the eighth century, he writes :
    ” He has omitted to notice the fact that it is not in the original hand of the MS., but in the later handwriting, of which I have several times spoken. The date, therefore, which is thus obtained, applies to all these additions, made, as we have seen, by one Maolcaich; and, as they must, therefore, be referred to the eighth century, they furnish a strong additional evidence of the very high antiquity of the original Missal” (page 34).
    The name of the original scribe is given, as is usual in the old MSS., at the end of the Gospel of St. John, as follows :
    ” Deo gratias ago. Amen. Finit, Amen. Rogo quicumque hunc librum legeris ut memineris mei peccatoris scrip toris, idest, SONID peregrinus, Amen. Sanus sit qui scripserit et cui scriptum est, Amen”. The name Sonid is in Ogham characters, and its precise reading cannot as yet be fixed with certainty. Dr. Todd, however, contends that the above reading is correct, and that it corresponds with the more modern name, Sonadh, which means “happy or prosperous” If so, the concluding words would contain an illusion to the name, for, the Latin phrase which follows, viz., sanus sit, as closely corresponds to it as any other that the scribe could easily discover.
    The MS. begins with a complete copy of the Gospel of St. John, illuminated according to the type of the early Irish school. Dr. O’ Conor has given a facsimile of the two first pages one representing the Evangelist, who is surmounted by the symbolical eagle ; the other giving the first verses of the Gospel. The text of the Gospel is that of the Latin Vulgate, though with many important variations, as is usual in the old Biblical MSS. of the Celtic Church.
    The Gospel of St. John is followed by the Ordo of the Mass, which begins with the Rubric ” Letania Apostolorum ac Martirum Sanctorum virorum et virginum incipit.” Then follows the antiphon Peccavimus and the Litany. Dr. O’ Conor has given a facsimile of the page containing the antiphon :
    ” Peccavimus Domine peccavimus : parce peccatis nostris et salva nos ; qui gubernasti Noe super aquas diluvi exaudi nos : qui Jonam de abiso verbo revocasti libera nos qui Petro mergenti manum porrexisti auxiliare nobis Christe.”
    ” We have sinned, O Lord, we have sinned : pardon our sins and save us : thou who didst preserve Noah on the waters of the deluge, hear our prayer : thou, who by thy word, didst recall Jonas from the abyss, deliver us : thou who didst stretch forth thy hand to Peter, sinking in the waves, assist us, O Christ.”
    The Litany is followed by the hymn Gloria in Excelsis, and then several Collects are added, being prayers for the priests, the people, the universal Church, the peace and prosperity of princes and kingdoms, the givers of alms, &c. This order is very much the same as was in use in Rome in the fifth century. At a later period, probably in the ninth century, the Confiteor took the place of the ancient Litany. The Gallican Liturgy adopted a different usage, and commenced with an antiphon, which was followed by the Sanctus and the Kyrie.
    I may here incidentally remark, that in the library of the famous monastery of St. Gall, there is still preserved one small fragment of some venerable MS. of our Celtic Church of the sixth or seventh century. It begins with the antiphon: “Peccavimus Domine, peccavimus, parce nobis “… And on the verso begins the Litany:
    ” Sancta Maria, ora pro nobis.
    Sancte Petre, ora pro nobis.
    Sancte Paule, ora pro nobis.”
    Westwood, in his magnificent work, “Facsimiles, &c., of Anglo-Saxon and Irish MSS.” (London, 1868), page 68, refers to this passage, and thinks it must have belonged to some ancient Penitential of our Church. From its analogy with the beginning of the ordo of the Mass in the Stowe Missal, I think we should rather conclude that it formed part of an Irish Missal, perhaps the very Missal used by the great missioner, St. Gall, himself.
    The custom of introducing several Collects in the Mass was regarded in Gaul as in a special manner characteristic of the Irish liturgy. In a Synod held at Matiscon in the year 623, objections were raised by a monk named Agrestius, against the disciples of St. Columban on account of this peculiarity of their Missal : “Quod a caeterorum ritu ac norma desciscerent et sacra missarum solemnia orationum et collectarum multiplici varietate celebrarent” St. Eustasius, a disciple of St. Columbanus and abbot of the Columban monastery of Lisieux (Luxovium), who was present at the Council, admitted the fact, but added ” Orationum porro multiplicationem in sacris officiis multum prodesse quis neget? Cum et orationi sine intermissione vacari nobis ex divino praecepto incumbat et quo plus Dominus quaeritur, plus inveniatur, nihilque cuivis Christiano et maxime poenitentibus salubrius sit, quam Deum multiplicatione precum et orationum assiduitate pulsare.”
    One of the Collects in the Stowe Missal is entitled Oratio prima Petri, and runs thus :
    Deus qui culpa offenderis, poenitentia placaris, afflictorum gemitus respice, et mala quae juste inrogas misericorditer averte. Per Dominum, &c.
    O God, who by sin art offended, but art appeased by penance, look down upon the anguish of the afflicted, and in thy mercy avert the scourges which thy justice requireth, through our Lord, &c.
    A lesson is added from I, Corinthians, chapter xi., beginning ” Fratres quotiescunque manducabitis” with the prayer : “Omnipotens sempiterne Deus qui populum tuum, &c. ;” and then follows the versicle:
    ” R. Quaerite Dominum et confirmamini. Fortitude mea et laudatio mea usque in salutem.”

    ” Sacrificio praesentibus Domine quaesumus intende placatus, ut devotioni nostrae proficiat ad salutem.”

    Then follows the Rubric : ” Deprecatio Sancti Martini pro populo incipit. Amen. Deo gracias. Dicamus omnes : Domine exaudi et miserere”
    At page 14 of the MS., the Lesson from the Gospel of St. John, sixth chapter, is introduced with the Rubric : “Lethdirech rund. Dirigatur Domine usque vespertinum, tunc canitur. Hic elevatur lintearnen de calice. Veni Domine sanctificator omnipotens et benedic hoc sacrificium praeparatum tibi, Amen. Tunc canitur locus Evangelii secundum Johannem : Dominus noster Jesus Christus dixit : Ego sum panis. Et oratio Gregorii super Evangelium : Quaesumus Domine omnipotens, &c.”
    The Irish words, Lethdirech rund, imply a half uncovering here, and a corresponding phrase is met with after the Gospel of St. John, i.e., landirech rund, a full uncovering here. This shows that the chalice was partly uncovered before, and was fully uncovered after the chanting of the Gospel. This double uncovering of the chalice is thus referred to in an ancient Irish Tract on the ceremonies of the Mass, preserved in the Leabhar Breac, fol. I26a:
    ” The two uncoverings, including the half one, of the Chalice of the Mass, and of the Oblation, .and what is chanted at them, both of Gospel and Alleluja, is the figure of the written law in which Christ was manifestly foretold, but was not seen until His birth. The elevation of the Chalice of the Mass and of the Paten, after the full uncovering, at which this verse is sung ; Immola Deo sacrificium laudis, is the figure of the birth of Christ, and of His manifestation through signs and miracles : this is the beginning of the New Testament.”
    The words which follow in the Rubric are very easily explained. The Dirigatur Domine is still used in the liturgy, during the incensation of the Altar : ” Dirigatur, Domine, oratio mea, sicut incensum in conspectu tuo : elevatio manuum mearum sacrificium vespertinum.”
    The Veni Domine Sanctificator agrees in substance with the prayer that follows after the Offertory in the present Roman Missal : ” Veni sanctificator omnipotens aeterne Deus, et benedic hoc sacrificium tuo sancto nomini praeparatum.” The corresponding prayer in the Sarum Missal approaches still nearer to the Irish form: “Veni sanctificator omnipotens et Domine Deus : benedic et sanctifica hoc sacrificium quod tibi est praeparatum.”
    Dr. Todd suggests, and probably with reason, that the prayer of St. Gregory, subsequently referred to in the Rubric, is that which occurs at the end of the Liber Sacramentorum of that great Pontiff: ” Quaesumus omnipotens Deus, ne nos tua misericordia derelinquat, quae et errores nostros semper amoveat et noxia cuncta depellat. Per Dominum.”
    The Creed forms part of the order of the Mass, and agrees in substance with the Nicene Creed. The filioque does not form part of the original text, but was added by the more recent hand. A facsimile of the following passage is given by Dr. O’Conor :
    ” Cujus regni non erit finis. Et in Spiritum Sanctum, Dominum et vivificatorem, ex Patre procedentem, cum Patre et Filio coadorandum, et conglorificandum.”
    Dr. O’Conor tells us that the ceremony of mixing water with the wine for the Holy Eucharist is wholy omitted, as are also the Lavabo and the prayer Suscipe Sancta Trinitas. In enumerating the orders of the Hierarchy, three only are mentioned in this Missal, viz., bishops, priests, and deacons.
    The festivals commemorated are the following :
    1. Natale Domini, Christmas day.
    2. Kalendas, the 1st of January, Feast of the Circumcision.
    3. Stellae, the Epiphany.
    4. Dies Natalis Calicis Domini Nostri, the beginning of the Passion of our Lord, i.e., the First day of Lent.
    5. Pasca, Easter.
    6. Clausula Pascae, the Octave of Easter. Low Sunday.
    7. Ascensio, Ascension-day.
    8. Pentacoste, the Feast of Pentecost.
    There is one common preface assigned for all these festivals, into which, on each feast-day, an additional clause might be introduced, having special reference to such festival. Hence the preface is twice interrupted by rubrics in the Irish language, which have been thus translated:
    1. ” Here the preface receives the addition, if it be followed by Per Quem:
    2. ” Here the preface receives the addition, if it be followed by Sanctus” i.e., the special portion of the preface was to be inserted either where the Per Quem or where the Sanctus occurs in the ordinary text.
    The Canon of the Mass, which is marked with the Rubric Canon Dominicus Papae Gilasi, presents the following very remarkable passage, which shows that it was compiled before the total abolition of idolatry in our island:
    ” Hanc igitur oblationem servitutis nostrae Ecclesiae sed et cunctae familiae tuae quam tibi offerimus in honorem Domini nostri Jesu Christi, et in commemorationem beatorum martirum tuorum, in hac ecclesia quam famulus tuus ad honorem nominis gloriae tuae aedificavit, quaesumus Domine ut placatus suscipias, eumque atque omnem populum ab idulorum cultura eripias et ad te Dominum Patrem omnipotentem convertas.”
    ” We beseech, O Lord, that mercifully thou wouldst receive this tribute of our duty of the church, and of all thy people, which we offer in honour of our Lord Jesus Christ, and in commemoration of thy blessed martyrs, in this church which thy servant erected unto the honour of Thy name and Glory, and that Thou wouldst deliver him and all the people from the worship of idols, and convert them to the Lord, the Father Omnipotent.”
    The form of consecration and the subsequent prayers correspond literally with those still used in the Roman Missal, down to the Memento for the dead, which assumes a form altogether peculiar as follows:
    ” Memento etiam Domine et eorum nomina, qui nos praecesserunt cum signo fidei et dormiunt in somno pacis. Cum omnibus in toto mundo offerentibus sacrificium spirituale Deo Patri et Filio et Spiritui Sancto, Sanctis et venerabilibus sacerdotibus offert senior noster N. praesbiter, pro se et pro suis, et pro totius aeclesiae cetu Catholico, et pro commemorando anathletico gradu venerabilium Patriarcharum, Profetarum, Apostolorum et Martyrum et omnium quoque Scotorum,* ut pro nobis Dominum Deum nostrum recordare dignentur:

    Sancte Stefane, ora pro nobis.
    S. Martine, ora pro nobis.
    S. Hironime, ora pro nobis.
    S. Augustine, ora pro nobis.”

    *This was probably a mistake of the scribe for Sanctorum.
    And then twenty-eight names of other saints are added by the more modern hand, which, as I have already remarked, Dr. Todd considers to belong to the eighth century. These names are, ” St. Gregory, St. Hilary, St. Patrick, St. Ailbhe, two SS. Finnian, two SS. Kieran, two SS. Brendan, two SS. Columba, St. Comgall, St. Canice, St. Findbarr, St. Nessan, St. Fachtna, St. Lugid, St. Lacten, St. Ruadhan, St. Carthage, St. Coemghen, St. Mochonna, St. Brigid (written Brigta in the MS.), St. Ita, St. Scetha, St. Sinecha, St. Samdine.”
    The two SS. Finnian invoked in this Litany are St. Finnian of Clonard, who died in the year 549, and St. Finnian of Moville, whose death is recorded in our Annals in the year 579. The two SS. Ciaran, both died before the middle of the sixth century. St. Brendan, of Birr, died in 572, and St. Brendan, of Clonfert, in 577. There were many Irish saints of the name Columba; the two here referred to are probably St. Columba, i. e. Columbkille, of Iona, who died in 595, and St. Columba, i.e. Columbanus, of Bobbio, who died in 615. St. Mochonna, the latest name in the above list, died in the year 704.
    This Litany is followed by the Agnus Dei, and then by a short prayer which is ascribed to St. Ambrose ; after which another commemoration begins of all the principal saints of the Old Testament, followed by Apostles, Martyrs, &c, down to our own Apostle St. Patrick, with whom are linked forty- six names of Irish saints, the latest of whom is St. Kevin of Glendalough.
    In addition to this “Every-day Mass” (Missa Cotidiana) there is also a special Mass for the feasts of the Apostles and Martyrs and Holy Virgins (Missa Apostolorum et Martirum et sanctarum Virginum), another Mass for Penitents (Missa pro poenitentibus vivis), and one for the Dead (Missa pro Mortuis).
    Were no other monument of our early Church preserved to us, this Missal alone would suffice to show the conformity of the Catholic Church of to-day in doctrine and discipline with the ancient Church of our fathers. The Mass itself agrees in all essential matters with the Liturgy of the present day, and clearly sets forth in the form of consecration and following prayers, the doctrine of the Real Presence. Thus, the Irish priests, thirteen hundred years ago, when offering the Holy Sacrifice, breathed forth the same sweet prayer that is repeated by the priest of to-day : “Humbly we beseech Thee O Almighty God, direct this offering to be carried by the hands of Thy holy Angel unto Thy heavenly altar in the presence of Thy Divine Majesty, that all of us who receive through the participation of this altar, the most holy Body and Blood of Thy Son, may be filled with every heavenly blessing and grace, through the same Christ our Lord.” Again, we find the holy Apostles and Martyrs and Virgins, and other saints solemnly commemorated, and their intercession invoked that they may be mindful of us before the throne of God. A memento was also made every day for the repose of the faithful departed, and even a special Mass was offered up praying the Divine mercy for those who had been faithful during life, and had gone before us with the sign of Christ and slept in peace.
    At page 70 of the MS. the Missal terminates, and the Ordo Baptismi (occupying 41 pages) begins, giving the rites and ceremonies of Baptism as practised in our early Church. The order of Baptism commences with a prayer that Satan may be banished with all his evil works from the person about to be baptised. The exorcism of the salt then follows, agreeing almost verbally with that in use at the present day. After the interrogatory Abrenuntias Satanae? “Do’st thou renounce Satan ?” comes the ceremonial opening of the ears: “Efeta, quod est aphertio in nomine Patris et Filii et Spiritus Sancti.” A phrase similar to that which we have already met with in the Canon of the Mass occurs in the Baptismal prayer: “Quem liberasti de err ore gentilium” ”whom thou hast freed from the errors of idolatry,” and supplies an additional proof that when this Sacramentary was compiled many of the Irish people were still heathens and unbelievers in the Faith of Christ. Then follows the first anointing, after which we have the Rubric:
    ” Huc usque catachominus incepit olearioleo de crismate in pectus et inter scabulas (scapulas) antequam baptitsaretur : deinde letania circa fontem canitur : deinde benedictio fontis ; deinde duo salmi sitivit anima mea y &c. Deinde benedictione completa mittit sacerdos cresmaria in modum crucis in fontem et quicumque voluerit implere vasculum aqua benedictionis ad domus consecrandas, et populus aspergitur aqua benedicta.”
    Here, again, everything serves to identify more and more the early Church of Ireland with the Catholic Church which still flourishes in our island. The anointing of the Cathechumen, with chrism, on the breast and between the shoulders the chanting of the litany around the fountain the pouring of the sacred chrism into the font, in the form of a cross the people bearing away with them the hallowed water to impart blessing to their homes the aspersing of the congregation with holy water ; all prove that the doctrine and practices of the Irish, as far back as the sixth century, were in all essential matters the very same as those of the mother Church of Rome.
    Immediately before the Baptism, the Catechism, or questions asked upon articles of faith, is set forth. According to the Rubric, which is added, the Priest then accompanied to the font the person or persons to be baptized, descendit in fontem. Some have supposed that these words imply that the Priest himself entered the fountain with the person who was about to receive baptism ; but without further proof we cannot accept this as the meaning of the Rubric.
    After the form of Baptism, the Ritual thus continues:
    ” Oleatur cresmate in cerebrum in frente, et dat vestem candidam Diaconus super capite et fronte et dicitur, (a) Presbitero Domine Sancte Omnipotens, Domine noster Jesu Christe qui te regeneravit ex aqua et Spiritu Sancto, quique tibi dedit remissionem omnium peccatorum, ipse telineat crismate salutis. Ungo te de oleo de chrismate salutis, &c., et dat vestem candidam diaconus super caput in frontem et vestitur manto candido, tegitur(a) presbitero. Tunc lavit pedes accepto linteo, Dominus et salvator noster Jesus Christus pridie quam pater etur, accepto linteo splendido et sancto et immaculato precinctis lumbis stds fudit aquam in pelvem, lavit pedes discipulorum suortim, &c.”
    This rite of washing the feet at the end of the baptismal ceremony, though not practised in Rome, was followed in many of the continental churches. At Milan, in the days of St. Ambrose, and throughout the Churches of Gaul, the practice was universal. The Council of Elvira (a.d. 301) in its 48th canon, enacted that this ceremony of washing the feet in Baptism should be performed not by the celebrant, but by one of the assistant clerics : “Placuit . . . neque pedes eorum (qui baptizantur) lavandi sunt a sacerdotibus sed clericis”
    In the ancient Liturgy of Gaul, published by Mabillon, we have, immediately after Baptism, the Rubric “Dum pedes ejus lavas, dicis : Ego tibi lavo pedes. Sicut Dominus noster Jesus Christus fecit discipulis suis, tu facias hospitibus et peregrinis, ut habeas vitam aeternam.” In the famous Bobbio Missal, used by St. Columbanus and his disciples at Luxieu, a similar Collect is assigned to be recited whilst performing this ceremony. After the newly-baptized has been clothed in the white garment, the Rubric has ” Collectio ad pedes lavandos” with the prayer : “Ego tibi lavo pedes ; sicut Dominus noster Jesus Christus fecit discipulis suis, ita tu facias hospitibus et peregrinis. Dominus noster Jesus Christus de linteo quo erat praecinctus, tersit pedes discipulorum suorum, et quod ego facio tibi, tu facies peregrinis, hospitibus et pauperibus.”
    St. Cesarius, Archbishop of Aries, who died A. D. 542, also makes reference in his sermons to this baptismal rite : “Hoc itaque admoneo, Fratres dilectissimi, ut quotiens Paschalis sollemnitas venit, quicumque viri, quaecumque mulieres de sacro fonte filios spiritaliter exceperunt, cognoscant se pro ipsis fidejussores apud Deum extitisse, et ideo semper illis sollicitudinem verae caritatis impendant. Admoneant ut auguria non observent . . . peregrinos excipiant et secundum quod ipsis in baptismo dictum est, hospitum pedes lavant.”
    I have dwelt the more particularly on this rite, though in itself so unimportant, because it presents the only point of divergence of the Irish Baptismal Ritual from the practice of Rome. The writer contemporary with St. Ambrose, to whom we have just now referred, expressly tells us that in Rome the washing of the feet was not observed in his time, probably on account of the number of Catechumens who flocked to the sacred font in that central See of the Catholic world : “Non ignoramus quod Ecclesia Romana hanc consuetudinem non habeat, cujus typum in omnibus sequimur et formam. Hanc tamen consuetudinem non habet ut lavet. Vide ergo ne forte propter multitudinem declinarit.” The ceremony, at all events, was an unessential one, and as it was practised in the Church of Milan, which ” followed in all things the rule and example of Rome,” so it might well be observed for a time at least in Ireland, without in any way lessening the ardour of the devotion and reverence of our Fathers for the Holy See.
    After the Ordo Baptismi is inserted a tract in very ancient Irish extending over the three or four last pages of the MS. This tract is supposed by Dr. Todd to be ” a general explanation of the Mass,” but it has not as yet been deciphered by our antiquarians.
    Such, then, is the Liturgical monument of our early Church, which from the days of St. Ruadhan, has been handed down to us with devotional reverence by our fathers. If the religious of Lothra achieved no other work than that of preserving to us this precious record of the faith of our fathers, they would yet have well deserved our gratitude. More than once that monastery was plundered by the Danes in their incursions of the eighth and following centuries. About the year 832, writes Dr. Todd (Wars of the Danes, xlviii), “Turgesius plundered the ecclesiastical establishments of Connaught and Meath, namely, Clonmacnoise in Meath; Clonfert of St. Brendan in Connaught; Lothra, now Lorrha, a famous monastery founded by St. Ruadhan or Rodan, in the county of Tipperary; Tirdaglass, now Terryglass, in the same county; Inisceltra, an island on which were seven churches, and all the other churches of Lough Dearg in like manner.” Again, in 920, new hordes returned from the Scandinavian coast and “plundered Inisceltra, and cast into the lake its shrines, relics, and books : they plundered also Mucinis Riagail (i.e., Hog-island of St. Riagal or Regulus), and other churches on the islands of the lake : on the mainland they plundered Tirdaglass, Lothra, Clonfert, and Clonmacnoise” (Ibid, xciv, n. i). It was no easy task amid such scenes of devastation, to preserve intact the precious heirloom of St. Ruadhan. Probably at that time, however, the original case in which the venerable Missal was enshrined was damaged or destroyed, and hence, when the monastery was restored to peace, it became an anxious care of the religious community to have a cumhdach prepared for it worthy of the precious relic to be encased.
    THE IRISH ECCLESIASTICAL RECORD. Vol VI, SEPTEMBER, 1870, 645-658.

    Content Copyright © Omnium Sanctorum Hiberniae 2012-2015. All rights reserved.

  • Liturgical Fragments from the Early Celtic Church I: The Book of Deer

    The 1870 edition of the Irish Ecclesiastical Record contained two interesting items published as part of an occasional series, ‘Liturgical Fragments of the Early Celtic Church’. The first of these deals with the pocket-gospel known as The Book of Deer, a Scottish text with strong links to the Irish manuscript tradition. I have reproduced it below, although without the footnotes contained in the original. The article contains a translation of a liturgical text from the Book of Deer which is most interesting, as is the account of the tragic fate of many volumes from monastic libraries during the Reformation in Scotland.

    The Book of Deer now resides in Cambridge, itself a source of grievance to the Scots, who would prefer to see this national treasure returned to its homeland. There is an online community-based project in Aberdeen to encourage study and interest in the text which can be found here. The volume by Stuart, which is referred to in the article is also available online at the Internet Archive.
    LITURGICAL FRAGMENTS FROM THE EARLY CELTIC CHURCH.
    I. THE BOOK OF DEER.
    THE ” Book of Deer,” which has just been published by Mr. Stuart for the Spalding Club is an invaluable memorial of the Scottish monasteries founded by St. Columbkille. It contains the Gospel of St. John complete, and portions of the other three Evangelists, together with some liturgical fragments and a collection of Memoranda of gifts and grants made to the monastery of Deer by the Celtic chiefs of the territory of Buchan in which it was situated. The text of the Gospels and of the liturgical fragments belongs to the ninth century: the Memoranda were written at different periods at a later age.
    Mr. Stuart thus begins his prefatory remarks: ” Amid the darkness which enshrouds those missionaries who imparted to the heathen tribes of Alba the blessings of the Christian faith, the form of St. Columba stands out with exceptional clearness of outline ; and the popular instinct has not erred which ascribes to him the largest share in the great work, and traces to his mission the most enduring results. The almost contemporary pages of his biographer, St. Adamnan, enable us to realize to ourselves the system adopted by the great missionary in his enterprise. When he first took possession for Christ of the little island of Hy, which, under the name of Iona, was to become illustrious for all time from its association with him, he founded upon it a monastery in conformity with the system which then prevailed, not only in the country of the Scots (i.e., Ireland), from which he came, but throughout Europe. Every fresh settlement which the Saint effected as he pushed his Christian conquests, whether in the islands of -the Hebrides or in the mainland country of the northern Picts, consisted of a monastery for a body of clerics, from which they might disperse themselves in circuits among the surrounding tribes returning to their home for shelter and mutual support. One of these monastic settlements was that of Deer, in Buchan, a district of Aberdeenshire, which, projecting into the German Ocean, forms the most easterly point of Scotland ; and the legend of the Book of the Gospels of this house preserves in traditional detail the circumstances which marked the infancy of the establishment.”
    One of the Celtic memoranda, giving an account of the foundation of the monastery, has been thus translated by Mr. Stokes :
    ” Columbcille and Drostan, son of Cosgrach, his pupil came from Hy, as God had shown to them, unto Abbordsdoir, and Bede, the Pict, was mormaer of Buchan before them, and it was he that gave them that town in freedom for ever from mormaer and tosech. They came after that to the other town, and it was pleasing to Columbcille, because it was full of God’s grace, and he asked of the mormaer Bede that he should give it to him, and he did not give it ; and a son of his took an illness after refusing the clerics, and was nearly dead. Then the mormaer went to entreat the clerics that they should make prayer for the son that health should come to him, and he gave an offering to them from Cloch-in-tiprat to Cloch-pette-mic-Garnait. They made the prayer and health came to him. After that Columbcille gave to Drostan that town, and blessed it, and left as his word, ‘ whosoever should come against it let him not be many-yeared victorious.’ Drostan’s tears (i.e. deara) came on parting with Columbcille. Said Columbcille, ‘ Let Dear be its name henceforward.’ “
    The town of Aberdour gives name to a sheltered bay on the rocky shores of Buchan: and St. Columba, with his disciple St.Drostan, probably sailed thither from Iona in one of those frail coracles, which were so much in use with our early saints.
    Even at the present day numerous hut-foundations of early times are traceable along the coast of Aberdour, and prove that a dense population must formerly have inhabited this district. The word town, however, used in the above legend, may perhaps, like the Latin civitas of our early records, mean nothing more than the site of the monastery and its enclosure granted to St. Columba. The memory of St. Drostan, whom the great Apostle of the Picts left to evangelize the district of Buchan, still lives at Aberdour. The Parish Church placed on the brink of a gorge, on a ledge or table-land overlooking the burn of the Dour, at a spot about 150 yards distant from the shore of the Moray Firth, was dedicated to God under his invocation, and till the beginning of the 16th century his relics were religiously preserved, there in a stone chest, and many miraculous cures were performed through his intercession.
    In the face of the rock, not far from the spot where the stream falls into the sea, is also a clear spring of water, still called St. Drostan’s well.
    From the monastery of Aberdour, St. Columba and his companions proceeded twelve miles inland to the banks of the river Ugie, where another town or “civitas,” sheltered by wooded heights, on one of which circular foundations, perhaps of some druidical temple, are still traceable, seemed to the saint to be well suited for a religious abode. It was pleasing to Columba, says the legend, because it was full of God’s grace. The Pictish ruler of Buchan at first refused to grant this spot to St. Columba, but finding that his son was struck with sudden sickness, and was all but dead, he changed his resolution and complied with the saint’s request. It was there that the monastery of Deer was founded, and its name was derived either from the tears (in Celtic deara) shed by St. Drostan on the departure of St. Columba, which is the derivation cherished in the traditions of the monastery itself, or from the surrounding oak woods, even as the great monastic foundations of the same saint at Durrow and Derry derived their Celtic names of Dair-mag and Daire-calgaich, which may be translated the ” plain of oaks” and “the oak wood of Calgach.” The latter derivation is that which Mr. Stuart considers the more probable, and he adds, “the parish is believed to have been at one time covered with wood, and the names of such places as. Aikiehill and Aikiebrae still preserve the recollection of the oaks which once grew there.” The site of Deer would have much to attract the susceptible nature of St. Columba ; with rich pasture on the banks of the river, and the surrounding hills crowned with oaks, he would often be reminded of his own dearly-loved monastery of Durrow and its woods.
    As late as the middle of the twelfth century, as appears from the memoranda inserted in the Book of Deer, this monastery was still flourishing, and its inmates continued to receive from the bounty of the Gaelic chiefs of the district additions to their monastic inheritance. A little later it yielded its place to a noble Cistercian Abbey, founded by the Earl of Buchan, which, with the title of Abbey of Deer, inherited most of the lands of the old Columbian monastery.
    At the sad era of the Reformation, the Abbey of Deer, with its property, passed into the hands of George, Earl Marischal ; but, as the wife of that nobleman foresaw, such sacrilegious plunder was. destined to be like ” a consuming moth in his house.” Before a century had passed it was remarked that ” the Earles of that house, who before wer the richest in the kingdom, having treasure in store besyd them ; ever since the addition of this so great revenue have losed their stock by heavie burdeines of debt and ingagment.”
    The next century witnessed the total overthrow of this princely house, so true were the words pronounced by St. Columba when imparting his blessing to the infant monastery, ” whosoever shall come against it shall not be many years victorious.”
    As regards the MS: of which we treat, it is written and ornamented in the best style of the early Irish school Mr. Stuart gives twenty-two plates of facsimiles from its pages, and these alone would suffice to convince any student of Celtic antiquities that it owes its birth to some religious of our island, and that its date cannot be later than the ninth century. One of the Rubrics in the liturgical fragment which the Book of Deer has preserved to us is written in the purest ancient Celtic. After the Gospel of St. John, at the end of the volume, an Irish Colophon is also added by the original scribe, and Mr. Stokes remarks ” that in point of language it is identical with the oldest Irish glosses in Zeuss’s Grammatica Celtica. The fact that this MS. was used as far back as the eleventh and twelfth centuries to receive the charter-memoranda of royal grants made to the monastery, would be -of itself a sufficient proof that it was even then regarded with special reverence, and held in the highest honour by the religious of that Celtic monastery, probably as being the work of some distinguished member of St. Columba’s community in earlier ages. We are not told how this precious volume escaped the vandal fury of the Reformation era. It is certain that many of the most venerable relics of early Celtic piety in Scotland were then consigned to the flames. Mr. Wyatt, in his “Art of Illuminating,” assures us that during the reigns of Henry VIII and Elizabeth, “cupidity and intolerance destroyed recklessly and ignorantly. . . . Persons were appointed to search out all missals, books of legends, and such superstitious books, and to destroy or sell them for waste paper, reserving only their bindings, when, as was frequently the case, they were ornamented with massive gold and silver, curiously chased, and often further enriched with precious stones ; and so industriously had these men done their work, destroying all books in which they considered Popish tendencies to be shown by the illumination, the use of red letters or of the cross, or even by the to them mysterious diagrams of mathematical works, that when, some years later, Leland was appointed to examine the monastic libraries with a view to the preservation of what was valuable in them, he found that those who had preceded him, had left little to reward his search.” Even Bale, who so fully shared the sentiments of the Scottish Puritans, does not hesitate to write that many of those who got possession of the religious houses ” reserved the library books, some for worse than profane purposes, some to scour their candlesticks, and some to rub their boots: some they sold to the grocers and soap-sellers, and some they sent over sea to the bookbinders, not in small numbers, but at times whole ships-full.” And he adds the following instance: “I know a merchant that bought the contents of two noble libraries for forty shillings price a shame it is to be spoken : this stuff hath he occupied in the stead of grey paper for the space of more than these ten years, and yet hath store enough for as many years to come. A prodigious example is this, and to be abhorred by all men who love their nation as they should do.” From a contemporary record preserved in the Registrar House, and cited in the Preface to the ” Book of Arbuthnot,” we further learn that these deeds of vandalism were not confined to the humbler and less tutored fanatics. One of its entries expressly declares that six precious Missals belonging to Queen Mary were taken by the Lord Murray, Regent of the Kingdom, and consigned to the flames :”Item : tanyne be my Lordis Grace and brint VI. Mess Buikis” The Bishop of Brechin adds that, the Regent burned them with his own hands.
    The “Book of Deer” was probably carried away and concealed by some devoted inmate of the suppressed monastery, and no traces of it have been met with till more than a century after the outburst of this storm of Puritan superstition. In 1697 it formed part of the collection of MSS. of John Moore, then Bishop of Norwich, and with his library passed in the beginning of the next century into the possession of the University of Cambridge, where it is now numbered (I. i., b. 32).
    Its Scriptural text is of course the most important feature of this ancient MS. It presents the Vulgate, but written in a very careless and corrupt manner, and with very many old and peculiar readings.
    The first seventeen verses of St. Matthew’s Gospel are treated as a prologue, and are followed by the Rubric : “Finit Prologus. Item, incipit mine Evangelium secundum Matheum”. The following are a few instances of the peculiar readings of its text in the Gospel of St. John :
    BOOK OF DEER.
    VI. 34. Dixerunt ergo ad eum Domine semper nobis da panem hunc panem semper hunc.
    VULGATE.
    VI. 34. Dixerunt ergo ad eum : Domine semper da nobis panem hunc.
    BOOK OF DEER
    IX. i, 2. Et preteriens vidit Johannem cecum a nativitate et interrogaverunt eum discipuli ejus rabbi quis peccavit neque parentes ejus ut cecus nasceretur.
    VULGATE
    IX. i, 2. Et praeteriens Jesus vidit hominem caecum a nativitate. Et interrogaverunt eum discipuli ejus:Rabbi quis peccavit hie aut parentes ejus ut caecus nasceretur.
    BOOK OF DEER
    XIII. 10. Dicit ei Jesus, qui locutus est non indiget ut lavet sed est mundus totus.
    VULGATE
    XIII. 10. Dicit ei Jesus : qui lotus est non indiget nisi ut pedes lavet sed est mundus totus.
    BOOK OF DEER
    XIX. 30. . . . tradidit spiritum: cum autem exspirasset velum templi scisum est medium a sommo usque ad deorsum. Judei ergo, &c.
    VULGATE
    XIX. 30. . . . tradidit spiritum. Judaei ergo, &c.
    The Celtic memoranda inserted in the ” Book of Deer” are described by Mr. Stuart as of the greatest importance for the illustration of local Scottish history. They prove, moreover, that some, at least, of the Celtic monasteries, as well as the Celtic population, continued to exist in Scotland till a much later period than is generally supposed. The last document engrossed in the book is a Latin charter of King David I. of Scotland, exempting the religious of the monastery from all lay interference and undue exaction. Among the witnesses to this grant is “Samson, bishop of Brechin,” which entry sets at rest an important controversy as to the foundation of the see of Brechin, and proves that it dates back to the reign of King David.
    It is principally, however, to the short liturgical fragment contained in this ancient MS. that I now wish to refer. It occupies a portion of two leaves in the middle of the volume which seems to have been intentionally left blank for its insertion. Mr. Stuart, indeed, does not deny that it must be referred to the ninth century, still he considers it as written in a different hand from the biblical portion of the MS. Westwood and the bishop of Brechin, however, do not share this opinion, and indeed it will suffice to compare the facsimiles printed by Mr. Stuart himself to recognize the same hand in the liturgical fragment and in a portion at least of the biblical text; for, as frequently happens in Irish MSS. for instance, in the “Antiphonary of Bangor,” the ” Liber Hymnorum,” the ” Leabhar Breac,” &c., even the original portion of the volume presents traces of different scribes, or,at least, of more than one style of writing of the same scribe.
    The fragment of the liturgy which is thus preserved is the ceremonial for administering the Holy Communion to the sick ; and it happens that a corresponding portion of our ancient ritual has been preserved to us in more than one other ancient copy of the Gospels. ”In the middle of the book” writes Dr. Forbes, ” there are two leaves which contain, in an Irish handwriting, the following service. It will be observed as a curious coincidence that the three services (i.e. of the books of Moling, Dimma, and Deer) all occur on a spare leaf in an Evangelistarium, and that they all relate to the communion of the sick . . . The Book of the Gospels was no doubt carried to the sick person’s house, and it would be to meet the convenience of the priest that this service, together with the prayers for the sick, was written in the same volume.” The following is the interesting fragment of the sacred liturgy of our ancient Church us in the “Book of Deer”:
    [Please consult original volume for the Latin text]
    TRANSLATION.
    Again : a prayer before the “Our Father”
    O God, the creator of all things, and the Father of all creatures in heaven and on earth, receive at thy throne of unapproachable light the pious prayers of thy trembling people, and amidst the unceasing canticles of the surrounding cherubim and seraphim hear the petitions of our unhesitating hope.
    Our Father, who art in heaven,&c., unto the end.
    Deliver us, O Lord, from evil. O Lord Jesus Christ, preserve us at all times in every good work : O God, the source and creator of all good, cleanse us from vice and replenish us with holy virtues through thee O Christ Jesus :
    Here give the Sacrifice to Him.
    May the Body with the Blood of our Lord Jesus Christ be health to thee unto eternal life and salvation.
    Nourished with the Body and Blood of Christ may we always say to Thee, O Lord, Alleluja, Alleluja.
    Who hath satiated the humble soul and replenished the hungry soul with good things, Alleluja, Alleluja.
    And may they offer the sacrifice of praise : with the remainder of the psalm to the word rejoicing. Alleluja, Alleluja.
    I will take the chalice of salvation and invoke the name of the Lord, Alleluja, Alleluja.
    Nourished with the Body of Christ, &c. Alleluja, Alleluja.
    Praise the Lord all ye nations, Alleluja, Alleluja.
    [The antiphon “Nourished,” given above was to be here recited in full.
    The psalm Laudate was to be recited here, to the Gloria.]
    Glory (be to the Father, &c.)
    Nourished by the Body of Christ. Alleluja, Alleluja.
    Both now and for evermore.
    Nourished, &c.
    Offer unto God the sacrifice of justice, and hope in the Lord.
    O God, we render thanks to Thee, through whom we have celebrated the Holy Mysteries, and we supplicate at thy hands the gifts of Holiness. Have mercy on us, O Lord, O Saviour of the world. Who reigneth unto all ages Amen. The end.
    I need not call the reader’s attention to the clear proof afforded by this fragment to the belief of our early church in the doctrine of the Real Presence in the Holy Sacrament of the Altar. The word “Sacorfaice,” i.e. sacrifice, which is here employed to designate the Blessed Eucharist, was constantly used by our ancient writers in reference as well to Communion as to the Holy Sacrifice. This is admitted by Usher in his “Religion of the ancient Irish.” “They used,” he says, ” the name of sacrifice indifferently of that which was offered to God, and of that which was given to and received by the Communicant,” and he gives the following instances from our early writers. In the collection of Canons, made for the Irish Church about the year 700, permission is granted to a Bishop to bequeath by testament a portion of his goods “to the Priest that giveth him the Sacrifice.” Again, in one of the Synods of St. Patrick, the following canon occurs:
    ” He who deserveth not to receive the sacrifice during his life, how can it help him after his death.” And in the Commentary of Sedulius the phrase also occurs ” Await one for another, i.e. (adds Sedulius) until you receive the Sacrifice.”
    At the close of the Book of Deer, the Apostles’ Creed is inserted in full in the handwriting of the original scribe. It will not be uninteresting to the reader to insert it in full, as it too forms part of the sacred Liturgy, and presents some curious readings peculiar to this MS.
    Credo in Deum patrem omnipotentem creatorem caeli et terrae. Et in Jesum Christum filium ejus unicum Dominum nostrum qui conceptus est de Spiritu Sancto. Natus ex Maria Virgine, passus sub Pontio Pilato, crucifixus et sepultus, descendit ad inferna. Tertia die resurrexit a mortuis, ascendit in caelum, sedit ad dexteram Dei patris omnipotentis. Inde venturus est judicare viros et mortuos. Credo et in Spiritum Sanctum, sanctamque Ecclesiam Catholicam, sanctorum Communionem, remissionem peccatorum. Carnis resurectionis vitam aeternam. Amen.”
    THE IRISH ECCLESIASTICAL RECORD Vol VI JULY, 1870, 549-559

    Content Copyright © Omnium Sanctorum Hiberniae 2012-2015. All rights reserved.

  • The Four Masters

    Below is a paper on the important 17th-century source known as the Annals of the Four Masters, a compilation of existing Irish records assembled by a team of scholars working at the Franciscan Monastery in Donegal in the 1630s. The author, Archbishop John Healy, is in fine form as he lays out a romantic, noble and patriotic vision of the attempt of Brother Michael O’Clery and his collaborators to preserve what was left of the record of the history of the Irish amid the destruction of the traditional Gaelic order. The paper, published in the Irish Ecclesiastical Record of 1894, was adapted from a lecture the Archbishop gave to students at Maynooth College. For all its romanticism, however, the author makes a convincing case for the genuine debt that we owe the Four Masters in preserving the records of this vanishing world. Although by this time the continental religious orders had long since taken over the old native Irish monasteries, I was struck by how the spirit of learning, discipline and asceticism we so associate with earlier Irish monastics, was still very much alive in the person of someone like Brother Michael O’Clery. So, enjoy this swansong of traditional Gaelic learning, with its aristocratic patrons, its ollaves (official, chief bards) and its religious scholars. It’s perhaps not always true that people are so self-consciously aware of the passing of their age, these men were and acted to preserve something of it before it was too late. For this we do indeed owe them a tremendous debt of gratitude.

    THE FOUR MASTERS
    THE name of the Four Masters will be always a dear and venerable name in Ireland ; and a sketch of their lives and labours must prove both interesting and instructive to everyone who feels the least interest in the history of his native land. That name was first given to the compilers of the Annals of Donegal by the celebrated John Colgan ; and it was felt to be so appropriate that it has been universally adopted by Irish scholars. It has, indeed, sunk deep into the hearts of the people, and the memory of the Masters is fondly cherished even by those who know little or nothing of their history. As O’Curry has truly said : “It is no easy matter for an Irishman to suppress feelings of deep emotion when speaking of the Four Masters; and especially when he considers the circumstances under which, and the objects for which, their great work was undertaken.”
    Just a mile to the north of the estuary of the river Erne, on a steep and nearly insulated cliff overhanging the stormy waters of the Bay of Donegal, may still be noticed by a careful observer the grey ruins of an old castle that in the distance can hardly be discerned from the craggy rock on which they stand. That shapeless remnant of a ruin is now all that remains of Kilbarron Castle for some three hundred years the cradle, the home, and the school of the illustrious family of the O’Clerys, from whom three of the Masters sprang. All those who can appreciate scenic beauty, or who feel something of the spiritual power that brings from out the storied past visions of vanished glories to illuminate the present, should not fail to visit Kilbarron Castle. The lock over which it stands is not only steep, but overhanging; and the waves are for ever thundering far below. Before you is the noble Bay of Donegal, the largest and finest in Ireland, flanked as it is on three sides by grand mountain ranges exhibiting every variety of shape and colouring, but open to the west, and therefore to the prevailing winds which carry in the unbroken billows of the Atlantic to the very rocks beneath your feet, Poor D’Arcy Mc Gee, influenced by the grandeur of its surroundings, and doubtless even still more by the associations of the past, has described Kilbarron Castle in a sonnet of much grace and beauty. The opening lines describe the scene: 
    “Broad, blue, and deep, the Bay of Donegal,
    Spreads north and south and far-a-west before
    The beetling cliffs sublime, and shattered wall,
    Where the O’Clerys name is heard no more,
    Home of a hundred annalists, round thy hearths, alas !
    The churlish thistles thrive, and the dull grave-yard grass.”
    The “home of a hundred annalists” is fast falling into the sea ; but the grey ruin is still lit up with the radiance of an old romantic story that tells how the O’Clerys came to Kilbarron, and how they grew and flourished there. These O’Clerys originally belonged to the southern Hy Fiachrach, or the Hy Fiachragh Aidhnc, whose ancient kingdom was conterminous with the present diocese of Kilmacduagh. But they were driven out by the Burkes in the thirteenth century, and were forced to migrate northwards to their ancient kinsmen on the banks of the river Moy, who were known as the northern Hy Fiachrach. Yet even there they were not allowed to remain in peace, for the Burkes and Barretts followed them, and once more the O’Clerys were compelled to seek new quarters. Tirconnell was still the inviolate home of Irish freedom, and its grand mountains could be seen any day from Tirawley rising up in strength and pride beyond the bay to the north-east. Then it was that a certain Cormac O’Clery, disgusted with his oppressors by the river Moy, put his books in his wallet, and taking his staff in his hand, set out for the inviolate home of freedom in the North. Bound by Sligo he walked, lodging probably at Columcille’s abbey of Drumcliff; then keeping between the mountains and the sea he crossed the fords of the Erne, and came into Tirhugh, the demesne lands of the chieftains of Royal Donegal. Now the young man being hungry and footsore betook himself for rest and shelter to the hospice of the great abbey Assaroe, which the children of St. Bernard had founded long before in a pleasant valley on the banks of a small stream that falls into the river Erne a little to the seaward of Ballyshannon. Abbey Assaroe, like most of the foundations of St. Bernard’s children in Ireland, was a great and wealthy monastery, and its hospice was always open with a hearty welcome to receive the poor and the stranger. But in Cormac O’Clery the good monks soon discovered that they had more than an ordinary guest ; and we are told that they loved him much ” for his education and good morals,” and also “for his wisdom and intelligence.” This is not to be wondered at, for Cormac O’Clery, besides being an Irish scholar and poet, was, we are expressly told, a learned proficient both in the “Canon and Civil Law.” Now you must not think that you have had the Irish monopoly of these things in Maynooth, and that our ancient Celtic scholars knew nothing about them. The Canon and Civil Law were taught, and well taught, far west of the Shannon fifty years before Cormac O’Clery went to Donegal. Under date of A.D. 1328, the Four Masters record the death of Maurice O’Gibellain, ” chief professor of the New Law, the Old Law, and the Canon Law.” The New Law was the Civil or Roman Law, then recently brought to Ireland from the schools of Bologna ; the Old Law was the Brehon Law ; and, of course, the Canon Law they had in one shape or another from the time of St. Patrick This O’Gibellain is described as a truly learned sage, canon chorister of Tuam, and officialis, or diocesan judge, for nearly all the prelates of the West. O’Cleary, therefore, would be in no want of teachers to instruct him in the Canon and Civil Law.
    Now Abbey Assaroe was only about three miles from what was then Kilbarron Castle ; and a frequent visitor at the abbey was its owner at the time, Matthew O’Sgingin, the historical Ollave of O’Donnell, who had many years before come to the banks of the Erne from his native territory near Ardcarne, in the County Roscommon. He was then an old man ; his only son, Giolla Brighde, the hope of his house, and the intended Ollave of Tirconnell, was slain in battle about the year 1382, and now his hearth was very lonely and his house was desolate, for, save one only daughter, he had no child in his castle by the sea ; above all, no son to be heir of his name and of his learning amongst the gallant chiefs of Old Tirconnell. Just then it was the old man met Cormac O’Clery at Abbey Assaroe, a gracious and learned youth, moreover, one of gentle birth, and well skilled in history, although now a friendless and homeless poor scholar. So old Matthew took young Cormac down to Kilbarron; he showed him his castles, his lands, and his daughter let us hope, though last, not least in his estimation ; and he said you can live with me here as my son-in- law, on one condition, that if God blesses your marriage with a son, you shall train him up from his infancy as the intended Ollave of Tirconnell in all the learning necessary for that high office. These terms were not hard; O’Clery accepted them ; and from that auspicious union was derived the illustrious line of scholars that have shed so much lustre on the literary history of their native land.
    The great-grandson of this Cormac O’Clery was called Diarmaid of the Three Schools, because he kept in his castle of Kilbarron ” a school of literature, a school of history, and a school of poetry.” It is worth recording, too, and remembering, that O’Donnell nobly endowed those schools at Kilbarron; for we are expressly told that, in addition to the lands held by his ancestors, he also granted to Diarmaid, for the maintenance of his schools, as well as for a house of general hospitality, the lands of Kildoney and Kilremur, along the winding Erne ; and also the rich pastures between Bundoran and Ballyshannon, lauds which, at the present day, according to John O’Donovan, would produce more than 2,000 a-year. So you see our Celtic princes were no niggard patrons of learning and of learned men. And, oh! such a glorious site for a school. How could a man be weary there roaming through those swelling meadows a hundred feet above the sea, inhaling the bland Atlantic breezes, with the blue of the sky above, and the deeper blue of that ever-glorious sea around him ; beyond rise the giant cliffs of Slieve League, gleaming like fairy palaces in the sunlight, and then far away on the dim horizon’s verge, where the billows bathe the clouds, is that golden line of light which, even in the peasant’s rude imaginings, leads to the Islands of the Blessed far beyond the western waves. Many a time I have seen it in the sunshine, and, when it is far grander still, in the storm; and I can only say that to my taste, at least, Diarmaid of the Three Schools had a far better site for his college at Kilbarron than could by any possibility be found on the plains of Kildare.
    That school at Kilbarron flourished during the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries down to the flight of the Earls, in A.D.1607, when, as you know, the old proprietors were all expropriated in Donegal, as well as in five other counties of the North ; and the ample domains of the O’Clerys of Kilbarron became the spoil of the stranger, and that ancient sanctuary of Celtic learning was left a desolate and dismantled ruin. Now this brings us down to the time of the Four Masters ; and we must pass from Kilbarron to Donegal Abbey. It is not a long way, as the bird flies about seven miles over the sand-hills, and down by the sea that far-sounding sea, where the broken billows roar in a fashion that old Homer never heard past the old abbey of Drumhome, where we have good grounds for believing that two Irish scholars, whose names are known throughout all Europe, spent their youth; that is, Adamnan, the biographer of St. Columba ; and the blessed Marianus Scotus, the Commentator. Presently, the bay narrows, and becomes like a broad river flowing between fertile and well-wooded banks, especially on the northern shore ; and then you suddenly come upon the old abbey, standing close to the water’s edge at the very head of the bay. Little now remains of the building the eastern gable, with a once beautiful window, from which the mullions have been torn down ; a portion of the stone-roofed store-rooms, and one or two of the cloister arches, with their broken columns that is all that now remains of the celebrated Franciscan Abbey of Donegal. Still, it is a ruin that no Irishman should pass heedless by ; not so much for what he will see, as for what he must feel when standing on that holy ground, so dear to every cultivated and thoughtful mind.
    “Many altars are in Banba,
    Many chancels hung in white,
    Many schools and many abbeys
    Glorious in our father’s sight ;
    Yet ! whene’er I go a pilgrim
    Back, dear Holy Isle, to thee,
    May my filial footsteps bear me
    To that abbey by the sea
    To that abbey, roofless, doorless,
    Shrineless, monkless, though it be.”
    It was founded in the year 1474 by the first Hugh Roe O’Donnell and his pious wife, for Franciscans of the Strict Observance. Under the fostering care of the O’Donnells, whose principal castle of Donegal was close at hand, the abbey in a short time grew into a great and nourishing house, and became the religious centre of all Tirconnell, although Abbey Assaroe still survived in almost undiminished splendour on the banks of the Erne. The despoiling edicts of Henry VIII. did not run in Tirhugh. Hence we find that when Sir Henry Sydney, the deputy, visited Donegal, in 1566, he described the abbey as ” then unspoiled or unhurt ;” and with a soldier’s eye he perceived that it was, “with small cost fortifiable; much accommodated, too, with the nearness of the water, and with fine groves, orchards, and gardens, which are about the same.” Close at hand, there was a landing-place, so that when the tide was in, foreign barks, freighted with the wines of Spain and silks of France, might land their cargoes at the convent walls, and carry away in exchange Irish hides, fleeces, flax, linen, and cloth. So we are expressly told by Father Mooney, who must have often seen the foreign ships when he was a boy, and who tells us also, that in the year 1600 there were forty religious in the community, and forty suits of vestments of silk and cloth of gold in the sacristy, with sixteen chalices and two ciboriums. But, in that very year, the traitor Niall Garve O’Donnell seized on the abbey, in the absence of his chief, and held it for the English. By some accident, however, the magazine blew up on Saturday, the 20th of September, at early dawn, and the beautiful fabric was almost entirely destroyed. After the battle of Kinsale, and the flight of the Earls, it passed into Protestant hands, and was partially restored, so that Montgomery, the King’s Bishop of Raphoe, proposed to make it a college for the education and perversion of the young men of the north who could not afford to go to Trinity College. This benevolent proposal was not adopted by King James ; but about the beginning of the reign of King Charles, in 1623, when some measure of toleration was granted to the Catholics, the building, probably then derelict, seems to have again been occupied by the Franciscans. This I infer from the express statement of Brother Michael O’Clery himself, as well as from that of the superiors of the convent, who declare that the Annals of the Four Masters “were begun on the 22nd day of the month of January, A.D. 1632, in their convent of Donegal;” and that “they were finished in the same convent of Donegal on the 10th day of August, A.D. 1086, the eleventh of the reign of King Charles.” Colgan also distinctly asserts that they ” were completed in our convent of Donegal.”
    Let us now go back to that Tuesday, the 22nd of January, in the year 1632. It was truly a memorable scene, the first session of the Masters in the library of the half-ruined convent of Donegal. We can realize all the details from the statements of the Four Masters themselves, and of the superiors of the Convent of Donegal. Bernardino O’Clery, a brother of Michael O’Clery, was then guardian of the convent, and most generously undertook with the assent of his poor community, to supply the Masters with food and attendance gratuitously during the entire period of their labours. He placed the convent and everything in it at their disposal, so far as was necessary for their comfort and convenience. The library, as Sir James Ware tells us, was well supplied with books ; and there they took their places in due order according to their official rank, for the antiquarians (as now) were then most jealous of their rights and privileges all the more so, perhaps, because they were slipping away from them for ever.
    Brother Michael took his seat at the head of the table ; around him on either side were his venerable colleagues each with the parchment books of his family and office which were hardly ever permitted to be taken out of the personal custody of the Ollave, lest they might be in any way injured or mutilated. On his right, we may assume, sat the two Mulconrys, Maurice and Fergus, from Ballymulconry in the County Roscommon, historical ollaves to O’Connor, and the first authorities in all the historical schools. Maurice explains that he himself cannot remain long with them, but that Fergus would remain throughout, and have the custody of the books of Clan-Mulconry. Hence, Colgan does not reckon this Maurice as one of the Four Masters, although he gave them his assistance for one month. On the left of Brother Michael sat Peregrine O’Duigenan from Castlefore, a small village in the County of Leitrim, near Keadue. He was Ollave to the M’Dermotts and O’Rorkes ; and came of the celebrated family known as the O’Duigenans of Kilronan, because they were erenaghs of that church, as well as ollaves to the chiefs of Moylurg and Conmaicne. He had before him the great family record known as the Book of the O’Duigenans of Kilronan. Next to him sat Peregrine O’Clery, son of a celebrated scholar, Lughaidh O’Clery, and at this time the head of the family, and the official chief of the ollaves of Tirconnell. In better days, when he was still a boy, during the glorious years of the chieftaincy of Red Hugh, his father owned Kilbarron Castle, with all its wide domains, and sat amongst the noblest at O’Donnell’s board in the Castle of Donegal. But now his castle was dismantled, and his lands were seized by Sir Henry Ffolliott and his followers he had nothing left but his books, which he tells us in his will he valued more than everything else in the world like a true scholar, he would part with everything castle, lands, and honours sooner than part with those beloved books that he had now before him on the table. At the foot of the table sat Conary O’Clery, an excellent scholar and scribe, but still not ranking with the official ollaves present. He seems to have been chosen as secretary and attendant to the official historians, and hence is not reckoned by Colgan amongst the Four Masters properly so called.
    And now that the Masters are about to begin their labours, Brother Michael explains in brief and touching words the object and purpose of their labours, which was to collect and arrange and illustrate the Annals of Erin, both sacred and profane, from the very dawn of our Island’s history down to their own time.
    ” For [he said] as you well know, my friends, evil days have come upon us and upon our country ; and if this work is not done now these old books of ours that contain the history of our country of its kings and its warriors, its saints and its scholars may be lost to posterity, or at least may never be brought together again; and thus a great and an irreparable evil would befal our native land. Now we have here collected together the best and most copious books of Annals that we could find throughout all Ireland, which, as you are well aware, was no easy task to accomplish. We must, therefore, begin with the oldest entries in these ancient books; we must examine them carefully, one by one ; we must compare them, and, if need be, correct them; then as every entry is thus examined and approved of by us, it will be entered by you, Conary O’Clery, in those sheets of parchment, and thus preserved to latest posterity for the glory of God and the honour of Erin.
    “The good brothers of this convent, poor as they are themselves, have still undertaken to provide us with food and attendance. There is, alas! no O’Donnell now in Donegal to be our patron and protector; but, as you know, the noble Ferrall O’Gara has promised to give you, my friends, a recompense for your labours that will help to maintain your families at home. As for myself a poor brother of St. Francis only needs humble fare, and the plain habit of our holy founder. So now let us set to work hard, late and early, with the blessing of God, and leave the future entirely in His hands.”
    Yes, let them work for the glory of God and the honour of Erin;
    “We can hear them in their musings,
    We can see them as we gaze,
    Four meek men around the cresset,
    With the scrolls of other days
    Four unwearied scribes who treasure
    Every word and every line,
    Saving every ancient sentence
    As if writ by hands divine.”
    Brother Michael in the thread-bare habit at the head of the table, and now nearly sixty years of age, was in his young days known as Teige of the Mountain, and, doubtless, shared the danger and the glory of the dauntless Red Hugh through the battle-smoke of many a desperate day. He went abroad with the exiled earls, in 1607, or very shortly after, and subsequently became a lay-brother in the celebrated Franciscan Convent of St. Anthony in Louvain. Ward and Fleming, members of that community, were just then engaged in collecting materials for the Lives of the Irish Saints those materials afterwards so well employed by Father John Colgan. Brother Michael was an accomplished Irish scholar, and belonged, moreover, to one of those learned families, whose duty it was to make themselves familiar with all the old books of their country. So it was resolved to send him home to collect materials for their work. Brother Michael, of course, obeyed, and spent fifteen years in Ireland collecting those precious materials, without which Colgan could never have accomplished his own immortal work.
    During these years of unremitting toil, Brother Michael had a two-fold object in view : first, to collect materials for the lives of the saints as projected by his own superiors in Louvain; and, secondly, to gather at the same time all the books and documents that might prove to be useful in the execution of his own special project, namely, the compilation of the ancient annals of Ireland, both sacred and profane. What I especially wish to call your attention to is the long- continued and unremitting aye, and unrequited, labour which he spent in accomplishing this double purpose. At this time no member of a religious order, and especially no friar from France or the Low Countries, could travel through Ireland without constant and imminent peril of his life, because they were regarded as agents or emissaries of the exiled Irish princes. But Brother Michael, with the most heroic courage, faced every danger in order to accomplish his purpose. Even before the Annals of the Four Masters were begun, he tells us himself that he spent ten long years travelling through all parts of the country, in order to collect his materials. He visited nearly all the religious houses then in existence; he called upon nearly all the Catholic prelates in Ireland at the time, from whom he got valuable assistance and encouragement; he was a welcome and an honoured guest in the great houses of the old Catholic gentry of Ireland, both Celtic and Norman ; he visited the great historical schools kept by the professional ollaves, and being himself one of the craft, he was heartily welcomed in them all. These long journeys he accomplished, so far as we can judge, all on foot, trudging from convent to convent, and from house to house, laden with his old books and manuscripts, which we must assume he carried in his wallet. He had no money to buy books, but he got the loan of several to be afterwards copied at his leisure; many of them he had to copy on the spot, because the owners would not part with them ; for in most cases, as he himself tells us, he had no other resource, seeing that he could neither buy, nor beg, nor borrow the precious treasure. ” Before I came to you,” he says, ” noble Ferrall O’Gara, I spent ten years in transcribing every old material I found concerning the saints of Ireland;” and also, as we know from the introductions prefixed to his work, in compiling certain preparatory treatises before engaging in his last and greatest work, the compilation of the Annals of Erin, both sacred and profane.
    In this preparatory labour he was also careful to secure the co-operation of the greatest scholars of his own time, and especially of the official antiquarians, who were afterwards associated with him in compiling the Annals. How unceasingly he laboured during those years we may infer from what we know he accomplished in the two years, from 1630 to 1632, when he began the Annals. The first-fruit of these labours was the work now known as the Martyrology of Donegal, which in its present form was completed in the Convent of Donegal, by Brother Michael, in 1630. In the same year was completed the Succession of the Kings of Erin and the Genealogies of the Saints, a work which was begun at Lisrnoyny, in Westmeath, and completed in the Convent of Athlone in November, 1630. Next year, Brother Michael and his associates met at the Franciscan Convent of Lisgoole, near Enniskillen, under the patronage of Brian Roe M’Guire, and with the help also of his chief chronicler, O’Luinin, they completed the well-known Book of Conquests. O’Clery had previously gone to Lower Ormond to submit his work to Flann Mc Egan, one of the greatest scholars of the day, who gave it his most cordial commendation. From Lower Ormond, Brother Michael set out for Coolavin to secure the patronage of Ferrall O’Gara for his projected work, the Annals of Erin. Fortified with his promise of pecuniary assistance for the chroniclers, he went off with the good news to Ballymulconry, near Elphin, to engage the services of the two Mulconrys ; from Elphin he went to Kilronan to make his final arrangements with O’Duigenan; and thence, laden with his books and manuscripts, and his heart full of hope and courage at the near prospect of successfully accomplishing his great work “for the glory of God and the honour of Erin,” Brother Michael trudged home to his own dear old convent down beside the sea. Is it not true, as the poet says, that:
    “Never unto green Tirconnell
    Came such spoil us Brother Michael
    Bore before him on his palfrey.
    By the fireside in the winter,
    By the seaside in the summer,
    When the children are around you,
    And your theme is love of country,
    Fail not then, my friends I charge you,
    To recall the truly noble
    Name and works of Brother Michael,
    Worthy chief of the Four Masters.
    Saviours of our country’s Annals.”
    Of the other Masters, the colleagues of Brother Michael, in nearly all his great works, little need now be said. The Mulconrys were generally recognised as at the head of their profession both in learning and authority. We can trace the family for nearly five hundred years as official ollaves to the O’Connors, the chief kings of Connaught. They resided chiefly at Ballymulconry, which is now known as Cloonahee, near Elphin; and the remains of the ancient rath where they dwelt may still be seen to attest their opulence and power. Many offshoots of the family settled in various parts of the country, and all of them were greatly distinguished for their learning. Of these, perhaps, John Mulconry of the Co. Clare was the most famous ; for Mc Egan of Lower Ormond expressly declares that he had the first historical school in Ireland in his own time. Many of the family also, as might be expected, became distinguished ecclesiastics, one of them being Florence Conry, Archbishop of Tuam, the founder of the great convent of St. Anthony’s of Louvain.
    The O’Duigenans of Kilronan were also most eminent as historical ollaves, and from numerous references in the Annals of Loch Ce, of which they seem to have been the original compilers, we gather that they were for several centuries the official historians of Moylurg and Conmaicne, and as such held large possessions around Kilronan, in the north-eastern corner of the Co. Roscommon.
    Such then were the men, “of consummate learning and approved faith,” assembled under the guidance of Michael O’Clery to compile the Annals of their country for God’s glory and the honour of Erin. For four years the Masters laboured with unremitting zeal in the execution of their great task, or rather for four years and a-half, from January 1632, to August, 1636.
    The work was now completed; but it was of no authority until it was approved approved by historical experts, and sanctioned by the ecclesiastical authorities. It must always be borne in mind that the historian of every tribe, or rather of every righ, or king, was a hereditary official, who alone was authorized to compile and preserve the annals of the tribe or clan. These officials formed amongst themselves a kind of college or corporation of a very exclusive character ; and the approbation of the leading members of this body was deemed essential to give authority to historical records of every kind, whether dealing with the tribe, or the sub-kingdom, or the entire nation. Brother Michael, therefore, by order of his superiors, deemed it necessary to submit the work of himself and his colleagues to the independent judgment and censorship of the two most distinguished members of this learned fraternity. And here again we have an example of the indefatigable zeal of the poor friar in carrying out his noble and patriotic purpose. The work was completed on the 10th of August, 1632; and the Superiors of the Convent of Donegal formally testify to the time and place of its composition, to the names of the authors, whom they saw engaged on the work ; to the ancient books which they made use of as their chief authorities ; and also to the name of the noble patron with whose assistance the work was brought to a successful issue.
    Then Brother Michael took his staff and sandals, and, putting his precious manuscript in his bag, set out to submit his work to the judgment of Flann M’Egan, who then dwelt at a place called Ballymacegan, which is now known as Redwood Castle; in the Barony of Lower Ormond, County Tipperary, where he had studied in his youth. M’Egan examined the work, and formally testifies, under his hand, that of all the books of history which he ever saw, even in the great school of John Mulconry, “who was tutor of the men of Ireland in general in history and chronology,” he never saw any book of better order, more copious, or more worthy of approbation, than the book submitted to him by Brother Michael ; which, he adds, no one, lay or cleric, can possibly find fault with. This approbation is dated 2nd November, 1636. Though so late in the season, the poor friar at once set out to visit Conner M’Brody, who then kept a historical school at Kilkeedy, in the County Clare. M’Brody gave a similar testimony, on the 11th day of November, 1636. Then Brother Michael set out to submit his work to the ecclesiastical authorities ; and first of all he came to the celebrated Malachy O’Queely, Archbishop of Tuam, who, relying on the official testimony of the distinguished antiquaries to whom the work was submitted, gave it his own formal approbation, and authorized its publication ” for the glory of God, the honour of the country, and the common good.” This approbation is dated the 17th of November, just a week after Brother Michael was in the County Clare. Then, facing still north, he came to the beautiful convent of his order at Roserilly, near Headfort, and there got a similar approbation from the learned Boetius M’Egan, Bishop of Elphin, himself a Franciscan friar, and a famous Irish scholar. The work was also solemnly approved by Dr. Fleming, Archbishop of Dublin, and Dr. Roche Bishop of Kildare. Then Brother Michael once more returned to spend his Christmas with the brotherhood in his own beloved convent of Donegal, having completed his great work for the glory of God and the honour of Erin. He felt, it is true, that the darkness of the evil days was deepening around his country ; but he had also the satisfaction of feeling that his own great work was accomplished, and never could be undone. When he heard the brothers chant the complin of the dying year, he might well sing, with a full and grateful heart, the Nunc dimittis Servum tuum, Domine. His toilsome journeys now were over, and his long day’s work was done. He had laboured for God and for his country ; and he knew that God would reward him beyond the grave, and that his country would never forget his name.
    Neither must we forget the illustrious name of the noble Ferrall O’Gara. Brother Michael himself tells us that it is to him in a special way “thanks should be given for every good that will result from this book in giving light to all persons in general.” The poor friars of Donegal nobly did their duty, and more than their duty, in supplying the Masters for four years with food and attendance; but it was Ferrall O’Gara “who gave the reward of their labours to the chroniclers by whom it was written.” The poor chroniclers, like the native chieftains, had been robbed of their patrimony, and were now entirely dependant for the maintenance of themselves and their families on the generosity of those members of the ancient nobility who had still some property remaining. It was Torloch MacCoghlan, of King’s County, who maintained the Masters when compiling the Succession of the Kings; Bryan Roe M’Guire, Lord Enniskillen, was their patron and paymaster when producing the Book of Conquests. These, however, were comparatively small undertakings, and the Masters were not long engaged upon them.
    But who would be their patron in the great task now before them, which would engage them for years, and cost a large sum of money? To the eternal honour of the County Sligo, such a man was found at Moy O’Gara, in Coolavin. He told Brother Michael to be of good heart, to secure all the help he needed, and that he would give the antiquarians the reward of their labours, no matter how long they might be engaged on their task ; and therefore Brother Michael says that, after the glory of God and the honour of Erin, he writes the Annals “in the name and to the honour of the noble Ferrall O’Gara ;” and he beseeches God to bestow upon him “every blessing, both of soul and body,” for this world and the next. The ruins of the old castle of Moy O’Gara, where Ferrall O’Gara then dwelt, may be seen about three miles from Boyle, and not far from the junction at Kilfree. It was a square keep, like so many others, yet not like them; for a halo of literary glory lights up its mossy, mouldering walls. Its very site will be sought and visited by Irishmen in the future, when the castles of its spoilers will have become nameless barrows. We may well re-echo the touching prayer of Brother Michael for the welfare of his soul:
    “Oh, for ever and for ever
    Benedictions shower upon him ;
    Brighter glories shine around him,
    And the million prayers of Erin
    Rise, like incense, up to heaven,
    Still for Ferrall, Lord of Leyney.”
    Neither should we forget those younger Masters, who have lately passed away, by whose labours those who are strangers to the ancestral tongue of Erin are enabled to profit by the writings of Brother Michael and his associates. Foremost amongst them stands the ever-honoured name of John O’Donovan, who has translated and annotated the Annals of the Four Masters, and thus made that great work accessible to the whole English-speaking world. It was a task requiring great learning and immense labour ; and, according to the confession of all, it has been most successfully accomplished. His name will go down to posterity, and most fitly so, bracketed for ever with the immortal Masters of Donegal. Eugene O’Curry also and Petrie, with Todd and Hardiman, gave most valuable assistance to O’Donovan in accomplishing this great work.
    It was O’Curry who transcribed for the press in his own beautiful style the autograph copy of the Four Masters, and also gave most effective help by explaining, as perhaps he alone could do, ancient and obsolete words in the text. Petrie, to whom in other respects Irish literature is so much indebted, read the sheets as they passed through the press, itself a work of very great labour, and gave useful help in many other ways also. Todd and Hardiman likewise lent their assistance; the former especially, for he spared neither his labour nor his purse in order to bring the work to a successful issue. The publisher, too, Mr. George Smyth, who at his own sole risk undertook this vast work, certainly deserves his meed of praise for making the Four Masters accessible to the literary world. We should never forget the ungrudging labours of those great men in the cause of Irish literature; and, certainly, their example should not be without its effect in moving us to do something, each in his own way, be it great or small, to forward the same glorious work.
    We are living in brighter days than the Four Masters lived in. Now there is everything to encourage students to pursue the study of Irish literature and of Irish history. A wider and more general interest is being awakened in all that concerns the antiquities of Ireland. Continental scholars eagerly scan the Celtic glosses of our ancient manuscripts, and our old romantic tales are translated and read with the greatest interest. Not so in the time of the Masters. Their lot was cast on dark and evil days. They had no motive to inspire them but a lofty sense of duty, and the hope of a supernal reward:
    ” Not of fame and not of fortune
    Do these eager pensmen dream,
    Darkness shrouds the hills of Banba,
    Sorrow sits by every stream ;
    One by one the lights that led her,
    Hour by hour were quenched in gloom ;
    But the patient sad Four Masters
    Toil on in their lonely room
    Duty thus defying doom.”
    All that time Donegal itself was a vivid picture of Erin’s woe; school and castle and abbey were despoiled and dismantled. The six counties of the North were confiscated after the flight of the Earls; and were just then in process of sub-division and occupation by the stranger. The hungry Scot and greedy Saxon were settling down in every fair valley of green Tirconnell, and the remnant of its owners were being driven to the bogs and mountains. The bawns of the newcomers were rising up in hated strength by all their pleasant waters. The gallant chiefs of the North, who at Kinsale had made their last vain stand for Irish independence, were now all dead some from the poisoned cup of hired assassins, and some from broken hearts. At the very time that the Masters were writing, Strafford was maturing his plans in Dublin for further despoiling the native chiefs, who had yet escaped the sword and the halter. The present hour was dark, and the future was darker still:
    ” Each morrow brought sorrow and shadows of dread,
    And the rest that seemed best was the rest of the dead.”
    And yet it was in the deepening gloom of those darkest days, when the religion, the patriotism, and the learning of the Gael were all proscribed together, that the Masters sat down in that ruined convent of Donegal the fit emblem of their unhappy country to compose with patient and self-denying toil that enduring monument of their country’s history, which will be our cherished possession for ever. What men ever laboured under more discouraging circumstances, with more unselfish toil, or for a nobler purpose? Where can we find a better lesson than in the simple record of their lives ? And where shall we look for men to be inspired with the spirit of the Masters, and to continue their patriotic labour except amongst those who inherit their names, their blood, and their faith and to whom every old book and every crumbling ruin should speak with a voice stronger and more persuasive than mine surely they before all others are called upon to share in the noble work of preserving and extending through the coming years a knowledge of the Irish language and literature. The study of our history, our literature, and our antiquities, will serve to elevate and purify the mind ; it will occupy leisure hours that might easily be spent in more frivolous, if not more ignoble, occupations ; it will lend a new interest to those old storied scenes that are scattered throughout the land ; it will clothe in the spiritual beauty of religious and historic association many a broken arch and ivied ruin that in our ignorance we might heedless pass by. And when we are tempted to let our ardour grow cold, then the vision of the Four Masters in that old abbey by the sea, toiling patiently at their self-imposed task, may serve to inspire us to labour with renewed zeal in the same patriotic work for the glory of God and the honour of our native land.
    JOHN HEALY
    IRISH ECCLESIASTICAL RECORD Volume 15, 1894, 385-402

    Content Copyright © Omnium Sanctorum Hiberniae 2012-2015. All rights reserved.