ALL THE SAINTS OF IRELAND

  • Liturgical Fragments from the Early Celtic Church I: The Book of Deer

    The 1870 edition of the Irish Ecclesiastical Record contained two interesting items published as part of an occasional series, ‘Liturgical Fragments of the Early Celtic Church’. The first of these deals with the pocket-gospel known as The Book of Deer, a Scottish text with strong links to the Irish manuscript tradition. I have reproduced it below, although without the footnotes contained in the original. The article contains a translation of a liturgical text from the Book of Deer which is most interesting, as is the account of the tragic fate of many volumes from monastic libraries during the Reformation in Scotland.

    The Book of Deer now resides in Cambridge, itself a source of grievance to the Scots, who would prefer to see this national treasure returned to its homeland. There is an online community-based project in Aberdeen to encourage study and interest in the text which can be found here. The volume by Stuart, which is referred to in the article is also available online at the Internet Archive.
    LITURGICAL FRAGMENTS FROM THE EARLY CELTIC CHURCH.
    I. THE BOOK OF DEER.
    THE ” Book of Deer,” which has just been published by Mr. Stuart for the Spalding Club is an invaluable memorial of the Scottish monasteries founded by St. Columbkille. It contains the Gospel of St. John complete, and portions of the other three Evangelists, together with some liturgical fragments and a collection of Memoranda of gifts and grants made to the monastery of Deer by the Celtic chiefs of the territory of Buchan in which it was situated. The text of the Gospels and of the liturgical fragments belongs to the ninth century: the Memoranda were written at different periods at a later age.
    Mr. Stuart thus begins his prefatory remarks: ” Amid the darkness which enshrouds those missionaries who imparted to the heathen tribes of Alba the blessings of the Christian faith, the form of St. Columba stands out with exceptional clearness of outline ; and the popular instinct has not erred which ascribes to him the largest share in the great work, and traces to his mission the most enduring results. The almost contemporary pages of his biographer, St. Adamnan, enable us to realize to ourselves the system adopted by the great missionary in his enterprise. When he first took possession for Christ of the little island of Hy, which, under the name of Iona, was to become illustrious for all time from its association with him, he founded upon it a monastery in conformity with the system which then prevailed, not only in the country of the Scots (i.e., Ireland), from which he came, but throughout Europe. Every fresh settlement which the Saint effected as he pushed his Christian conquests, whether in the islands of -the Hebrides or in the mainland country of the northern Picts, consisted of a monastery for a body of clerics, from which they might disperse themselves in circuits among the surrounding tribes returning to their home for shelter and mutual support. One of these monastic settlements was that of Deer, in Buchan, a district of Aberdeenshire, which, projecting into the German Ocean, forms the most easterly point of Scotland ; and the legend of the Book of the Gospels of this house preserves in traditional detail the circumstances which marked the infancy of the establishment.”
    One of the Celtic memoranda, giving an account of the foundation of the monastery, has been thus translated by Mr. Stokes :
    ” Columbcille and Drostan, son of Cosgrach, his pupil came from Hy, as God had shown to them, unto Abbordsdoir, and Bede, the Pict, was mormaer of Buchan before them, and it was he that gave them that town in freedom for ever from mormaer and tosech. They came after that to the other town, and it was pleasing to Columbcille, because it was full of God’s grace, and he asked of the mormaer Bede that he should give it to him, and he did not give it ; and a son of his took an illness after refusing the clerics, and was nearly dead. Then the mormaer went to entreat the clerics that they should make prayer for the son that health should come to him, and he gave an offering to them from Cloch-in-tiprat to Cloch-pette-mic-Garnait. They made the prayer and health came to him. After that Columbcille gave to Drostan that town, and blessed it, and left as his word, ‘ whosoever should come against it let him not be many-yeared victorious.’ Drostan’s tears (i.e. deara) came on parting with Columbcille. Said Columbcille, ‘ Let Dear be its name henceforward.’ “
    The town of Aberdour gives name to a sheltered bay on the rocky shores of Buchan: and St. Columba, with his disciple St.Drostan, probably sailed thither from Iona in one of those frail coracles, which were so much in use with our early saints.
    Even at the present day numerous hut-foundations of early times are traceable along the coast of Aberdour, and prove that a dense population must formerly have inhabited this district. The word town, however, used in the above legend, may perhaps, like the Latin civitas of our early records, mean nothing more than the site of the monastery and its enclosure granted to St. Columba. The memory of St. Drostan, whom the great Apostle of the Picts left to evangelize the district of Buchan, still lives at Aberdour. The Parish Church placed on the brink of a gorge, on a ledge or table-land overlooking the burn of the Dour, at a spot about 150 yards distant from the shore of the Moray Firth, was dedicated to God under his invocation, and till the beginning of the 16th century his relics were religiously preserved, there in a stone chest, and many miraculous cures were performed through his intercession.
    In the face of the rock, not far from the spot where the stream falls into the sea, is also a clear spring of water, still called St. Drostan’s well.
    From the monastery of Aberdour, St. Columba and his companions proceeded twelve miles inland to the banks of the river Ugie, where another town or “civitas,” sheltered by wooded heights, on one of which circular foundations, perhaps of some druidical temple, are still traceable, seemed to the saint to be well suited for a religious abode. It was pleasing to Columba, says the legend, because it was full of God’s grace. The Pictish ruler of Buchan at first refused to grant this spot to St. Columba, but finding that his son was struck with sudden sickness, and was all but dead, he changed his resolution and complied with the saint’s request. It was there that the monastery of Deer was founded, and its name was derived either from the tears (in Celtic deara) shed by St. Drostan on the departure of St. Columba, which is the derivation cherished in the traditions of the monastery itself, or from the surrounding oak woods, even as the great monastic foundations of the same saint at Durrow and Derry derived their Celtic names of Dair-mag and Daire-calgaich, which may be translated the ” plain of oaks” and “the oak wood of Calgach.” The latter derivation is that which Mr. Stuart considers the more probable, and he adds, “the parish is believed to have been at one time covered with wood, and the names of such places as. Aikiehill and Aikiebrae still preserve the recollection of the oaks which once grew there.” The site of Deer would have much to attract the susceptible nature of St. Columba ; with rich pasture on the banks of the river, and the surrounding hills crowned with oaks, he would often be reminded of his own dearly-loved monastery of Durrow and its woods.
    As late as the middle of the twelfth century, as appears from the memoranda inserted in the Book of Deer, this monastery was still flourishing, and its inmates continued to receive from the bounty of the Gaelic chiefs of the district additions to their monastic inheritance. A little later it yielded its place to a noble Cistercian Abbey, founded by the Earl of Buchan, which, with the title of Abbey of Deer, inherited most of the lands of the old Columbian monastery.
    At the sad era of the Reformation, the Abbey of Deer, with its property, passed into the hands of George, Earl Marischal ; but, as the wife of that nobleman foresaw, such sacrilegious plunder was. destined to be like ” a consuming moth in his house.” Before a century had passed it was remarked that ” the Earles of that house, who before wer the richest in the kingdom, having treasure in store besyd them ; ever since the addition of this so great revenue have losed their stock by heavie burdeines of debt and ingagment.”
    The next century witnessed the total overthrow of this princely house, so true were the words pronounced by St. Columba when imparting his blessing to the infant monastery, ” whosoever shall come against it shall not be many years victorious.”
    As regards the MS: of which we treat, it is written and ornamented in the best style of the early Irish school Mr. Stuart gives twenty-two plates of facsimiles from its pages, and these alone would suffice to convince any student of Celtic antiquities that it owes its birth to some religious of our island, and that its date cannot be later than the ninth century. One of the Rubrics in the liturgical fragment which the Book of Deer has preserved to us is written in the purest ancient Celtic. After the Gospel of St. John, at the end of the volume, an Irish Colophon is also added by the original scribe, and Mr. Stokes remarks ” that in point of language it is identical with the oldest Irish glosses in Zeuss’s Grammatica Celtica. The fact that this MS. was used as far back as the eleventh and twelfth centuries to receive the charter-memoranda of royal grants made to the monastery, would be -of itself a sufficient proof that it was even then regarded with special reverence, and held in the highest honour by the religious of that Celtic monastery, probably as being the work of some distinguished member of St. Columba’s community in earlier ages. We are not told how this precious volume escaped the vandal fury of the Reformation era. It is certain that many of the most venerable relics of early Celtic piety in Scotland were then consigned to the flames. Mr. Wyatt, in his “Art of Illuminating,” assures us that during the reigns of Henry VIII and Elizabeth, “cupidity and intolerance destroyed recklessly and ignorantly. . . . Persons were appointed to search out all missals, books of legends, and such superstitious books, and to destroy or sell them for waste paper, reserving only their bindings, when, as was frequently the case, they were ornamented with massive gold and silver, curiously chased, and often further enriched with precious stones ; and so industriously had these men done their work, destroying all books in which they considered Popish tendencies to be shown by the illumination, the use of red letters or of the cross, or even by the to them mysterious diagrams of mathematical works, that when, some years later, Leland was appointed to examine the monastic libraries with a view to the preservation of what was valuable in them, he found that those who had preceded him, had left little to reward his search.” Even Bale, who so fully shared the sentiments of the Scottish Puritans, does not hesitate to write that many of those who got possession of the religious houses ” reserved the library books, some for worse than profane purposes, some to scour their candlesticks, and some to rub their boots: some they sold to the grocers and soap-sellers, and some they sent over sea to the bookbinders, not in small numbers, but at times whole ships-full.” And he adds the following instance: “I know a merchant that bought the contents of two noble libraries for forty shillings price a shame it is to be spoken : this stuff hath he occupied in the stead of grey paper for the space of more than these ten years, and yet hath store enough for as many years to come. A prodigious example is this, and to be abhorred by all men who love their nation as they should do.” From a contemporary record preserved in the Registrar House, and cited in the Preface to the ” Book of Arbuthnot,” we further learn that these deeds of vandalism were not confined to the humbler and less tutored fanatics. One of its entries expressly declares that six precious Missals belonging to Queen Mary were taken by the Lord Murray, Regent of the Kingdom, and consigned to the flames :”Item : tanyne be my Lordis Grace and brint VI. Mess Buikis” The Bishop of Brechin adds that, the Regent burned them with his own hands.
    The “Book of Deer” was probably carried away and concealed by some devoted inmate of the suppressed monastery, and no traces of it have been met with till more than a century after the outburst of this storm of Puritan superstition. In 1697 it formed part of the collection of MSS. of John Moore, then Bishop of Norwich, and with his library passed in the beginning of the next century into the possession of the University of Cambridge, where it is now numbered (I. i., b. 32).
    Its Scriptural text is of course the most important feature of this ancient MS. It presents the Vulgate, but written in a very careless and corrupt manner, and with very many old and peculiar readings.
    The first seventeen verses of St. Matthew’s Gospel are treated as a prologue, and are followed by the Rubric : “Finit Prologus. Item, incipit mine Evangelium secundum Matheum”. The following are a few instances of the peculiar readings of its text in the Gospel of St. John :
    BOOK OF DEER.
    VI. 34. Dixerunt ergo ad eum Domine semper nobis da panem hunc panem semper hunc.
    VULGATE.
    VI. 34. Dixerunt ergo ad eum : Domine semper da nobis panem hunc.
    BOOK OF DEER
    IX. i, 2. Et preteriens vidit Johannem cecum a nativitate et interrogaverunt eum discipuli ejus rabbi quis peccavit neque parentes ejus ut cecus nasceretur.
    VULGATE
    IX. i, 2. Et praeteriens Jesus vidit hominem caecum a nativitate. Et interrogaverunt eum discipuli ejus:Rabbi quis peccavit hie aut parentes ejus ut caecus nasceretur.
    BOOK OF DEER
    XIII. 10. Dicit ei Jesus, qui locutus est non indiget ut lavet sed est mundus totus.
    VULGATE
    XIII. 10. Dicit ei Jesus : qui lotus est non indiget nisi ut pedes lavet sed est mundus totus.
    BOOK OF DEER
    XIX. 30. . . . tradidit spiritum: cum autem exspirasset velum templi scisum est medium a sommo usque ad deorsum. Judei ergo, &c.
    VULGATE
    XIX. 30. . . . tradidit spiritum. Judaei ergo, &c.
    The Celtic memoranda inserted in the ” Book of Deer” are described by Mr. Stuart as of the greatest importance for the illustration of local Scottish history. They prove, moreover, that some, at least, of the Celtic monasteries, as well as the Celtic population, continued to exist in Scotland till a much later period than is generally supposed. The last document engrossed in the book is a Latin charter of King David I. of Scotland, exempting the religious of the monastery from all lay interference and undue exaction. Among the witnesses to this grant is “Samson, bishop of Brechin,” which entry sets at rest an important controversy as to the foundation of the see of Brechin, and proves that it dates back to the reign of King David.
    It is principally, however, to the short liturgical fragment contained in this ancient MS. that I now wish to refer. It occupies a portion of two leaves in the middle of the volume which seems to have been intentionally left blank for its insertion. Mr. Stuart, indeed, does not deny that it must be referred to the ninth century, still he considers it as written in a different hand from the biblical portion of the MS. Westwood and the bishop of Brechin, however, do not share this opinion, and indeed it will suffice to compare the facsimiles printed by Mr. Stuart himself to recognize the same hand in the liturgical fragment and in a portion at least of the biblical text; for, as frequently happens in Irish MSS. for instance, in the “Antiphonary of Bangor,” the ” Liber Hymnorum,” the ” Leabhar Breac,” &c., even the original portion of the volume presents traces of different scribes, or,at least, of more than one style of writing of the same scribe.
    The fragment of the liturgy which is thus preserved is the ceremonial for administering the Holy Communion to the sick ; and it happens that a corresponding portion of our ancient ritual has been preserved to us in more than one other ancient copy of the Gospels. ”In the middle of the book” writes Dr. Forbes, ” there are two leaves which contain, in an Irish handwriting, the following service. It will be observed as a curious coincidence that the three services (i.e. of the books of Moling, Dimma, and Deer) all occur on a spare leaf in an Evangelistarium, and that they all relate to the communion of the sick . . . The Book of the Gospels was no doubt carried to the sick person’s house, and it would be to meet the convenience of the priest that this service, together with the prayers for the sick, was written in the same volume.” The following is the interesting fragment of the sacred liturgy of our ancient Church us in the “Book of Deer”:
    [Please consult original volume for the Latin text]
    TRANSLATION.
    Again : a prayer before the “Our Father”
    O God, the creator of all things, and the Father of all creatures in heaven and on earth, receive at thy throne of unapproachable light the pious prayers of thy trembling people, and amidst the unceasing canticles of the surrounding cherubim and seraphim hear the petitions of our unhesitating hope.
    Our Father, who art in heaven,&c., unto the end.
    Deliver us, O Lord, from evil. O Lord Jesus Christ, preserve us at all times in every good work : O God, the source and creator of all good, cleanse us from vice and replenish us with holy virtues through thee O Christ Jesus :
    Here give the Sacrifice to Him.
    May the Body with the Blood of our Lord Jesus Christ be health to thee unto eternal life and salvation.
    Nourished with the Body and Blood of Christ may we always say to Thee, O Lord, Alleluja, Alleluja.
    Who hath satiated the humble soul and replenished the hungry soul with good things, Alleluja, Alleluja.
    And may they offer the sacrifice of praise : with the remainder of the psalm to the word rejoicing. Alleluja, Alleluja.
    I will take the chalice of salvation and invoke the name of the Lord, Alleluja, Alleluja.
    Nourished with the Body of Christ, &c. Alleluja, Alleluja.
    Praise the Lord all ye nations, Alleluja, Alleluja.
    [The antiphon “Nourished,” given above was to be here recited in full.
    The psalm Laudate was to be recited here, to the Gloria.]
    Glory (be to the Father, &c.)
    Nourished by the Body of Christ. Alleluja, Alleluja.
    Both now and for evermore.
    Nourished, &c.
    Offer unto God the sacrifice of justice, and hope in the Lord.
    O God, we render thanks to Thee, through whom we have celebrated the Holy Mysteries, and we supplicate at thy hands the gifts of Holiness. Have mercy on us, O Lord, O Saviour of the world. Who reigneth unto all ages Amen. The end.
    I need not call the reader’s attention to the clear proof afforded by this fragment to the belief of our early church in the doctrine of the Real Presence in the Holy Sacrament of the Altar. The word “Sacorfaice,” i.e. sacrifice, which is here employed to designate the Blessed Eucharist, was constantly used by our ancient writers in reference as well to Communion as to the Holy Sacrifice. This is admitted by Usher in his “Religion of the ancient Irish.” “They used,” he says, ” the name of sacrifice indifferently of that which was offered to God, and of that which was given to and received by the Communicant,” and he gives the following instances from our early writers. In the collection of Canons, made for the Irish Church about the year 700, permission is granted to a Bishop to bequeath by testament a portion of his goods “to the Priest that giveth him the Sacrifice.” Again, in one of the Synods of St. Patrick, the following canon occurs:
    ” He who deserveth not to receive the sacrifice during his life, how can it help him after his death.” And in the Commentary of Sedulius the phrase also occurs ” Await one for another, i.e. (adds Sedulius) until you receive the Sacrifice.”
    At the close of the Book of Deer, the Apostles’ Creed is inserted in full in the handwriting of the original scribe. It will not be uninteresting to the reader to insert it in full, as it too forms part of the sacred Liturgy, and presents some curious readings peculiar to this MS.
    Credo in Deum patrem omnipotentem creatorem caeli et terrae. Et in Jesum Christum filium ejus unicum Dominum nostrum qui conceptus est de Spiritu Sancto. Natus ex Maria Virgine, passus sub Pontio Pilato, crucifixus et sepultus, descendit ad inferna. Tertia die resurrexit a mortuis, ascendit in caelum, sedit ad dexteram Dei patris omnipotentis. Inde venturus est judicare viros et mortuos. Credo et in Spiritum Sanctum, sanctamque Ecclesiam Catholicam, sanctorum Communionem, remissionem peccatorum. Carnis resurectionis vitam aeternam. Amen.”
    THE IRISH ECCLESIASTICAL RECORD Vol VI JULY, 1870, 549-559

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  • The Quest for Celtic Christianity

    Below is a review of a valuable work by Professor Donald Meek,  a native Scots Gaelic speaker from the Island of Tiree, on the modern ‘Celtic Christianity’ movement.  His book exposes the differences between the popular view of the ‘Celtic Church’ as an anti-authoritarian, eco-friendly, woman-friendly, alternative Christianity and the view of modern scholarship which places it in a very different context. I also appreciated that as a Christian Meek is rightly concerned about some of the dubious undercurrents which flow into ‘Celtic Christianity’, his chapter on Alexander Carmichael’s Carmina Gadelica was particularly eye-opening. Some have criticized the polemical tone of the book, but I found the writer’s irritation at having his culture appropriated by outsiders who have no understanding of it perfectly reasonable. Whilst they may have been responsible for creating many of the myths which the contemporary movement still embraces, nineteenth-century Celtic enthusiasts at least took the trouble to study the indigenous languages of these islands and were able to engage with the sources at first-hand.  The Quest for Celtic Christianity is now only one of a growing number of critiques on modern ‘Celtic Christianity’, but for me it is still the best.

    “The Quest for Celtic Christianity” by Donald Meek
    review by Dr Michael Newton
    One of the difficulties with being a minority culture is that it is hard to correct the misrepresentations which are created by the dominant culture, which has greater prestige, more authority and better means of communicating its ideas. As a result, minority cultures often find themselves the subject of inaccurate stereotypes. Sometimes the false image of the Other is created in order for a people to prove to themselves that they are superior to it, and other times it is an expression of a lost purity still retained by a more “primitive” people. Whatever the agenda that causes such manipulations of facts, it is no excuse for ignoring what can be learned from thorough and objective research.
    These are the issues which inform Professor Donald Meek’s excellent new book. Most branches of Christianity have seen congregation sizes shrink during the last century, and they are responding to this by making their church experience more appealing. Some of them are borrowing or adapting symbols, texts or rituals from other faiths or places. It is in this way that numerous groups are trying to invoke “Celtic Spirituality” or “Celtic Christianity” in their religious communities.
    Meek shows in detail, however, that the truth is usually lost in the Celtic mist. The book works on two chronological fronts, revealing the realities of the Christianity that the leaders of the church actually practised and exposing the creation of the mythical Celts, especially in the 19th century, which is the source of so many modern misconceptions.
    He points out a number of ways in which the false image of the Celts is created and sold to the credulous. By constant recourse to images and woolly concepts, the marketers can be highly imaginative in their definition of Celtic. By ignoring the history of the development of Christianity, they forget the bigger picture and ascribe undeserved virtues to the Celts. By selective and dubious use of English translations they avoid contact with primary texts in Celtic languages. Since most of these new sects flourish in far-away societies, they avoid direct contact with real Celts and Celtic communities.
    Actually, the earliest abuse of the myth of Celtic Christianity was during the Reformation, when churches wanted to find precedents for their break with the Catholic Church in Rome. This ancient predecessor, they wanted to claim, kept itself “pure” while Rome became corrupt and degenerate. Unfortunately for the myths, which still persist to the present day among many Protestants, early Christianity everywhere adapted to a degree to secular life. There was no united and independent Church in Celtic lands, nor did the Church in Celtic countries differ in crucial matters of doctrine from the rest.
    Just as many people are mistaking as “Celtic” many of the common features of pre- industrial Europe, so too are people attributing an unmerited uniqueness to the so-called Celtic Church and to Celtic saints. But these features of Celts and “Celtic Christianity”, such as visions and psychic phenomena, can be found in the stories of Saint’s Lives throughout Christendom as well as throughout the folk traditions of rural Europe. And just like the British Isles, Christianity as practised at the popular level all around Europe (and the world, for that matter) was a mixture of orthodoxy and pre-Christian practices.
    On the other hand, too few are willing to acknowledge aspects of saints or of the church which are not so appealing in modern times. The stories of saints’ lives emphasise their asceticism, their ability to destroy enemies through curses and violence, their preoccupation with sin and their uncompromising war against paganism.
    It is no surprise that Meek makes comparisons with Native America, whose spiritual traditions have been misrepresented, commercialised and sold by spiritual opportunists. Native communities seldom profit from this business, and instead see outsiders take control of their traditions and proclaim themselves to be more authentic than actual spiritual leaders. Unlike many Native Americans, however, too few qualified Celtic scholars have attempted to present the historical and cultural realities to the general public such as Meek does in this commendable work.
  • The Twelve Apostles of Ireland


    St Finnian imparts his blessing to the twelve apostles of Ireland. Photo credit: Andreas F. Borchert, Wikipedia.




    The ‘Twelve Apostles of Ireland’ is a collective title given in Irish hagiography to a group of Irish saints who were all said to have been students at the monastic school of Clonard, under the tutelage of Saint Finnian. A list of the Twelve is preserved in various sources, for the reputation of Saint Finnian as ‘tutor of the saints of Ireland ‘ was firmly established and hagiographers sought to portray their subjects as having been numbered among his pupils.  The individuals listed among the Twelve can vary from one place to another, this, for example is the list given in the scholiast notes to the Martyrology of Oengus:


    Ireland’s Twelve Apostles: Two Finnians, two chaste Columbs, Ciaran, Cainnech, fair Comgall, two Brennains, Ruadan with beauty, Ninnid, Mo-bi, son of Natfrech, i.e. Molaise.

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    One immediate objection that can be raised is that
    the list actually adds up to a baker’s dozen, but presumably this is because
    the master, Finnian of Clonard, 
    is numbered here along with his disciples.  A
    striking feature of the list is that there are three homonymous groups. Finnian of Moville 
    joins his namesake of Clonard, the two chaste Columbs comprise one of the most famous holders of the
    name, Colum Cille (Columba) of Iona and the perhaps less well-known Colum of Terryglass, whilst the two Brennains are Brendan of Birr and his more famous namesake, Brendan, the Navigator, of Clonfert. 
    Although the Martyrology of Oengus does not record
    it here, other versions also name two Ciarans, with the elder Ciaran of Saighir joining the younger Ciaran of Clonmacnoise. 
    Those named singly also present a mix of the
    relatively well-known with the relatively obscure, among the former would
    certainly be Cainnech (Kenneth) of Kilkenny and Comgall of Bangor, with Ruadan of Lorrha and Mobi of Glasnevin possibly a little less well-known, and the two Fermanagh lakeland saints Ninnid of Inismacsaint and Molaise of Devenish, perhaps the most obscure of the twelve, at least as far as the modern reader is concerned. 



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    The noting of this list occurs at the Feast of the Dispersion of the Apostles on July 15, a context which suggests that the writers were quite deliberately echoing the sacred
    number of Our Lord’s disciples. In the early 1860s one Irish writer, Father
    Anthony Cogan, quoted the seventeenth-century clerical writer John Lynch who presented
    this motif as something distinctive to Irish missions:

    Those holy
    emigrations of the Irish were distinguished by a peculiarity never, or but very
    seldom, found among other nations. As soon as it became known that any eminent
    monk had resolved to undertake one of those sacred expeditions, twelve men of
    the same order placed themselves under his command, and were selected to
    accompany him; a custom probably introduced by St. Patrick, who had been ably
    supported by twelve chosen associates in converting the Irish from the darkness
    of paganism to the light of the true faith. St. Rioch, nephew to St. Patrick,
    and walking in his footsteps, was attended in his sacred missions to foreign
    tribes and regions by twelve colleagues of his own order; and when St. Rupert,
    who had been baptized by a nephew of St. Patrick, apostle of Ireland, departed
    to draw down the fertilising dews of true religion on pagan Bavaria,
    twelve faithful companions shared the perils and labours of his journey and
    mission. St. Finnian, bishop of Clonard, selected twelve from the thronged
    college of his disciples, to devote them in a special manner to establish and
    animate the principles of the Christian religion among the Irish, and hence
    they were styled by posterity the twelve apostles of Ireland. St. Columba was
    accompanied in his apostolic mission to Albany by twelve monks. Twelve followed
    St. Finbar in his pilgrimage beyond the seas, and twelve St. Maidoc, bishop of
    Ferns, in one of his foreign missions. St. Colman Fin was never seen without
    his college of twelve disciples. When the ceaseless irruptions of foreign
    enemies, or the negligence of the bishops, had well nigh extinguished the
    virtue of religion in Gaul, and left nothing but the Christian Faith when the
    medicine of penance and the love of mortification were found nowhere, or but with
    a few, ‘then’, says Jonas, ‘St. Columbanus descended on Gaul, supported by
    twelve associates, to arouse her from her torpor, and enlighten her sons with
    the beams of the most exalted piety. Twelve disciples followed St. Eloquius
    from Ireland to illumine the Belgians with the rays of faith; twelve
    accompanied St. Willibrod from Ireland to Germany; the pilgrimage and labours
    of St. Farrannan in Belgium were shared by twelve faithful brothers of the
    cowl; and the same number were fellow-exiles with St. Macallan. Perhaps the
    reason why the Irish clung with such invincible attachment to this custom, was
    the number of the apostles chosen by our Saviour, and the same number of
    disciples appointed by the Apostolic See to accompany Palladius to Ireland.

     Rev. A. Cogan,
    The Diocese of Meath: ancient and modern, Volume 1 (Dublin, 1862), xlv.


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     Writers of Dean
    Cogan’s generation were inclined to treat hagiography uncritically and in his
    treatment of the Twelve Apostles of Ireland, another nineteenth-century writer,
    Archbishop John Healy, presented a  similarly romantic picture of Saint
    Finnian’s famous pupils. His list omits Saint Comgall in favour of Saint Senan of Iniscathy and Finnian of Moville gives way to the elder
    Ciaran, known as the ‘firstborn of the saints of Ireland’, whose own hagiography claimed him as one of the pre-Patrician saints, thus making him a very
    mature student indeed:

    To Clonard came
    all the men who were afterwards famous as “The Twelve Apostles of
    Erin.” Thither came the venerable Ciaran of Saigher, a companion of St.
    Patrick, to bow his hoary head in reverence to the wisdom of the younger sage;
    and that other Ciaran, the Son of the Carpenter, who in after years founded the
    famous monastic school of Clonmacnoise in the fair meadows by the Shannon’s
    shore. Thither, too, came Brendan of Birr, “the prophet,” as he was
    called, and his still more famous namesake, Brendan of Clonfert, St. Ita’s
    foster son, the daring navigator, who first tried to cross the Atlantic to preach
    the Gospel, and revealed to Europe the mysteries of the far off Western Isles.
    There, too, was young Columba, who learned at the feet of Finnian those lessons
    of wisdom and discipline that he carried with him to Iona, which in its turn
    became for many centuries a torch to irradiate the spiritual gloom of Picts,
    and Scots, and Saxons. And there was that other Columba of Tir-da- glass, and
    Mobhi-Clairenach of Glasnevin, and Rodan, the founder of Lorrha near Lough
    Derg, and Lasserian, the son of Nadfraech, and Canice of Aghaboe, and Senanus
    from Inniscathy, and Ninnidh the Pious from the far off shores of Lough Erne.
    It is said, too, that St. Enda of the Aran Islands and Sinellus of Cleenish,
    and many other distinguished saints spent some time at Clonard, but they are
    not, like those mentioned above, reckoned amongst “the Twelve Apostles of
    Erin.”
     
     

    Insula Sanctorum et Doctorum or
    Ireland’s Ancient Schools and Scholars
     by the Most Rev. John Healy (6th edition, Dublin, 1912),
    201.


    I hope to be able to return to Ireland’s Twelve Apostles in future posts as I have done some research into the hagiographical accounts of the schooldays of Clonard’s saintly past pupils in order to better understand this theme. 



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