Category: Uncategorized

  • Old Irish Wisdom Attributed to Aldfrith of Northumbria

     

    Old Irish Wisdom Attributed to Aldfrith of Northumbria: an edition of Bríathra Flainn Fhína maic Ossu, edited and translated by Colin A. Ireland (Arizona Centre for Medieval and Renaissance Studies).

     

     

    The text comprises a series of maxims attributed to Aldfrith, King of Northumbria (c.685-705) under his Irish name Flann Fína. The editor provides a general introduction to wisdom literature as a genre and to the specifically Irish texts which survive. He also has a more technical discussion of the various surviving manuscripts of this particular collection, of the style of language used and of its implications for the dating of the work. The reputed author, King Aldfrith, had an Irish mother and Bede tells us that he was educated among the Irish. In this particular case however, King Aldfrith shares the authorship with a legendary figure, Fíthal, said to have been a third-century poet and judge in the time of King Cormac mac Airt. It is thus interesting to see one historical personage and one legendary connected with the same work.

    Here’s a sample of the sort of pithy maxims to be found in the text:

    2.3 Be obliging so that you may be loved.

    2.4 Be generous so that you may be renowned.
    2.4a Be generous so that you may be charitable.

    2.5 Be hospitable so that you may appear decorous.

    2.6 Be grateful so that you may experience increase.

    2.7 Be humble so that you may be exalted.

    The author’s love of learning, something which endeared him to the Irish, can also be seen:

    7.1 Learning is a beneficial occupation.

    7.2 It makes a king of a poor person.

    7.3 It makes an accomplished person of a landless one.

    7.4 It makes an exalted family of a lowly one.

    7.5 It makes a wise person of a fool.

    7.6 Its commencement is good.

    7.7 Its end is better.

    7.8 It is respected in this world.

    7.9 It is precious in the next.

    7.10 It is not despairing concerning the end,

    7.11 i.e. bestowing heaven upon him.

    However, as it also says ‘The conversation of women is a catalyst for folly’ (4.13), I shall say no more!

    Content Copyright © Omnium Sanctorum Hiberniae 2012-2015. All rights reserved.
  • Ancient Irish Schools

    This article, published in the Irish Ecclesiastical Record in 1885, lays out the view of Ireland as an island of saints and scholars which kept the flame of learning burning during the Dark Ages. It is a thesis that has had a more recent outing in Thomas Cahill’s popular book How the Irish Saved Civilization, but is one from which modern scholarship has moved away. There is currently much debate on just how dark the Dark Ages really were and on how exceptional Ireland really was. Although this article reflects the romantic view of scholar saints, artistic Celts and sighing oaks, it nevertheless contains some worthwhile information. 

    The Irish Ecclesiastical Record was founded in 1865 and in its early years published many articles on Irish saints and the early Irish church. I intend to make a selection of these available through the blog, but to access the footnotes, please consult the original volumes at the Internet Archive.
    ANCIENT IRISH SCHOOLS.
    AT the beginning of the sixth century the dying civilizations of Greece and Rome had almost entirely disappeared. The Goth had glutted his ire. Barbarian horses neighed among the urns of the Caesars; barbarian kings, with few exceptions, reigned from the ruins of Carthage to the walls of China; barbarian soldiers plundered the villas by the Rhine and Garonne, and laid waste the rich provinces watered by the Po and Adige. The hum of industry had ceased, the busy cities were mute, the lamp of the scholar burned no longer. Man, Cardinal Newman tells us, ceased from the earth and his works with him. In such a sad dark time the Irish schools arose and became centres of light.
    ” While the vigour of Christianity in Italy, Gaul and Spain was exhausted,” says Green, “in a bare struggle for life, Ireland, which remained unscourged by invaders drew from its conversion an energy such as it has never known since. Christianity had been received there with a burst of popular enthusiasm, and letters and arts sprung up rapidly in its train. The science and biblical knowledge which fled from the continent took refuge in famous schools which made Durrow and Armagh the universities of the West.” ” As early as the sixth century,” says Hallam, “a little glimmer of light was perceptible in the Irish monasteries, and in the next when France and Italy had sunk in deeper ignorance they stood not quite where national prejudice has sometimes placed them, but certainly in a very respectable position.” And Montalembert says “that from the fifth to the eighth century Ireland became one of the principal centres of Christianity in the world, and not only of Christian holiness and virtue, but also of knowledge, literature, and that intellectual life with which the new faith was about to endow Europe.”
    According to Gorres the church had migrated to Ireland to take up her winter quarters there, and lavished all her blessings on the people who gave her so hospitable a reception. He tells us moreover that monasteries and schools sprang up on every side the monasteries remarkable for their austere piety and the schools for their cultivation of science. ” When we look into the ecclesiastical life of this people,” continues the distinguished German, ” we are almost tempted to believe that some potent spirit had transplanted over the sea the cells of the valley of the Nile with all their hermits, its monasteries with all their inmates, and had settled them down in the Western Isle.” Even Froude admits that ” the religion of the Irish Celt burned like a star in Western Europe.” And the following are the words of one of our most distinguished antiquarians, Sir James Ware. ” It is evident from ancient writers of undeniable credit that there were formerly in Ireland several eminent schools, or as we now call them universities, to which the Irish and Britons, and at length the Gauls and Saxons flocked as to marts of good literature.”
    The Irish Schools were very numerous. According to Ware, 164 monasteries of note were built during the fifth, sixth and seventh centuries, and all the larger monasteries had schools attached to them. There were also many secular schools. It is uncertain when the secular schools were first established. Some say they were in existence seven centuries before Ireland bowed to the cross. Towards the close of the third century the monarch Cormac founded three colleges at Tara. After the Synod of Dromceata, the monarch Hugh also established schools for the education of the bards.
    The most famous of the monastic schools were Armagh and Bangor in Ulster ; Clonard, Clonmacnoise and Durrow in Leinster ; Lismore, Mungret and Ross in Munster ; and in Connaught the schools of Arran, Mayo and Clonfert.
    About the year 455, or according to Usher, ten years later, St. Patrick founded on the hill of the golden-haired Macha the Monastery and School of Armagh. And Archdall says that Armagh continued for many ages one of the most celebrated ecclesiastical foundations in the world.
    Bangor was founded by St. Comgall in 558. St. Bernard speaks of it as a place truly holy, and says that the schools of those educated there so filled both Ireland and Scotland that the verses of David seem to have predicted those very times; viz., ”Thou hast visited the earth and hast plentifully watered it, Thou hast many ways enriched it.”
    In 527 Clonard was founded by St. Finnian on the left bank of the Boyne ; Durrow in 549 by St. Columba among the oaks of King’s County, and on the eastern bank of the Shannon, about seven miles from Athlone, St. Kieran founded Clonmacnoise in 548. Speaking of Clonard, Sir William Wilde says : “From this sanctuary and abode of wisdom undoubtedly sprang much of the learning both of Britain and the continent.” Bede calls Durrow a noble monastery ; and Eugene O’Curry says that Clonmacnoise continued to be the seat of learning and sanctity, the retreat of devotion and solitude for a thousand years after the founder’s time. To this day its ornamental crosses and foreign inscriptions and ruins hoary with age proclaim ” In chronicles of clay and stone, how true, how deep, Was Eire’s fame.” 
    Lismore, founded in 633 by St. Carthage, was the best known of the Munster schools. In the opinion of Dr. Lanigan this school was for a very long time equal at least to any other in Ireland. Ware quaintly remarks that there great numbers made profession of true philosophy.
    Early in the sixth century Mungret was founded by St. Nessan ; and about the middle of the same century St. Fachnan founded Ross. According to the Psalter of Cashel Mungret had within its walls six churches, and 15,000 monks, 500 lecturers, 500 psalmists, and 500 employed in spiritual exercises.
    The ancient writers speak most favour ably “of the school of Clonfert, founded by St. Brendan about the year 558. A 100 years later the Abbot Colman founded a monastery and school in Mayo. The school of Arran was founded by St. Enda in 480.
    There were also many other eminent schools: the school of Kildare called the Stranger’s Home ; ivy-wreathed Clonenagh called the Gallic school; the schools of Birr and Old Leighlen, to which students from the Danube and Loire flocked ; Moville, Taghmon and wildly picturesque Glendalough, where the Celt heard explained in his native tongue the Ptolemaic system and the Alexandrine cycle. There was a school on an island in Lough Erne, and a school on an island in Lough Derg ; schools on the islands of Innisfallen and Inniscatthy. The city of Cork has grown round Finnbarr’s school, amid the town of Roscrea round the school of St. Cronan. There were schools in the midst of quaking marshes, in the heart of far extending oak woods, and by the margin of many a lake.
    Five hundred students, and sometimes three times that number, attended a flourishing school. In an ancient life of St. Comgall we are told that 3,000 attended the school of Bangor; in the life of St. Brendan the same is said of Clonfert. ” And if we may venture to give credit to Florence Carty,” says Ware, ” who reports it out of some manuscript in Oxford, to which I am a stranger, the roll of the students of the University of Armagh at one and the same time formerly exceeded 7,000. At first sight such numbers appear incredible. However, we should remember that the younger monks attended the lectures and are called students ; also that a distinguished professor drew round him all the youth of his clan, and many of the men under forty. Moreover many foreigners came to our schools. Aldhelm says that the English went to Ireland ” numerous as bees.” Bede tells us that many nobles and gentry from among the Anglo-Saxons came to the Irish schools for the sake of divine study, or to lead stricter lives. “All of them,” he says, “the Scots most freely admitted supplied them gratis with daily sustenance, with books, with masters.” In the metrical life of Cataldus, by Bonaventure Moroni, multitudes are described as coming from the most distant parts of Europe to the school of Lismore. Petrie proves from monumental inscriptions, from the lives of the early saints, and from the Litany of Aengus, that foreigners from England, France, Italy, and even Egypt, flocked to Ireland in the fifth and sixth centuries. Willibrord studied there for twelve years, Agilbert, afterwards Bishop of Paris, for a considerable time. Merovingian princes and Northumbrian kings came to be instructed by Irish teachers.
    Indeed for three centuries Ireland was the light of the West. She filled the empty years with her schools, her missionaries, her men of letters. But evil times came. The Runic rhyme broke the peace of her cloisters. The Saga’s chant was heard in her schools. Her emblems of piety were broken and her manuscripts destroyed by the grim worshippers of Odin.
    The Danes first landed in Ireland in 797. They plundered Armagh in 831, and in 838 Turgesius expelled the religious and scholars. In 869 Amlave burned the schools and churches. The schools were again plundered 890, 919, 931 and 941. And the history of Armagh, with little change, is the history of the other schools. During the 9th, 10th, and llth centuries, they were several times plundered. During the reigns of Malachy and Brian some were rebuilt, and it looked as if the bright days of the Eierans,the Carthages and the Colombas were to return. But the Normans came, and the growing light faded. Many of the old schools indeed lived on. Towards the close of the 13th century Franciscan and Dominican schools were also opened in some of the cities and large towns. And in 1320 Archbishop de Bicknore published a document for the establishment of a university. The university was established and annexed to St. Patrick’s Cathedral. However, for want of sufficient funds, it slowly declined. Hence, in 1475, the four mendicant orders addressed a memorial to Pope Sixtus IV. for authority to establish another university. The different schools, and perhaps the two universities, struggled on till the Reformation, but strangers came to our schools no more, and the Irish student sighed in vain for the wisdom of the days of old.
    Our knowledge of the literary course pursued in our ancient schools is rather meagre. We are told that St. Finian taught scripture for seven years ; that St. Gaul studied grammar and poetry; that St. Camin collated parts of the Vulgate with the Hebrew version of the Scriptures. In his letter on the Paschal controversy St. Cummian shows a thorough knowledge of the various cycles for the computation of Easter. ” I enquired diligently,” he says, “what were the sentiments of the Hebrews, Greeks, Latins, and Egyptians, concerning the time of observing Easter.” Tighernach of Clonmacnoise, quotes Eusebius, Orosius, Africanus, Bede, Josephus, St. Jerome, and many other historic writers. He also collates the Hebrew text with the Septuagint version of the Scriptures. Aldhelm was taught Latin, Greek, and Hebrew, in the school of Mailduff; and Cadroe, theology, philosophy, the Sacred Scriptures, oratory, astronomy, and the natural sciences, in the University of Armagh. Speaking of Dunstan, Dr. Moran says, “that the details which have been handed down to us regarding his studies at Glastonbury, gives us some idea of the literary course pursued in the Irish monasteries at the period. He was first of all instructed in the Scriptures and writings of the Fathers of the Church. The ancient poets and historians next engaged his attention. But he showed a special taste for arithmetic, geometry, astronomy, and music.” Mr. Lecky says that the knowledge of Greek had been kept up in the Irish monasteries some time after it had disappeared from the other seminaries of Europe. It is almost certain, too, that Virgil and parts of Ovid and Horace were read in the same monasteries when they were unknown elsewhere. Perhaps the oldest manuscript of Horace in existence is one at present in the library of Berne, written in Celtic characters with notes in the Irish language.
    Jowett, Westwood, Wyatt, Waagen, and Keller, admit that the art of illumination attained a wonderful perfection in our ancient schools. Jowett tells us in the Art Journal ” that the early Irish designs exhibit a great inventive power, a stricter adherence to sound principles of art, and a more masterly execution than those of any other contemporaneous people.” Westwood, who gives in his series of Bible illustrations eight specimens of illustrated Irish manuscripts, says that, “the copy of the Gospels traditionally asserted to have belonged to St. Columba, is unquestionably the most elaborately executed manuscript of early art now in existence.” Matthew Arnold acknowledges that in this art the Celt has done just enough to show his delicacy of taste ; and a writer in a recent number of Longman’s Magazine, believes that purely Irish decoration is, take it altogether, the most elegant and ingenious style of decoration which the world has ever seen.
    But to form a just estimate of the great work of the Irish schools, we should follow Irishmen to other countries. According to White, Ireland sent into Germany 115 missionaries, 45 into France, 44 into England, 36 into Belgium, 25 into Scotland, 13 into Italy. Their sound went out into all lands, and their words to the ends of the world. Their osier cells were among the marshes of Holland, and by the waters of Constance. Their images were over the altars of Leige, Ratisbon, and Lecca. They lectured in the schools of Paris, Pavia, and Verona. Their manuscripts are precious relics in the libraries of Louvain and St. Isidore, Wurzburg and Milan, Cambray and Carlsruhe. More than five centuries before the birth of Dante, an Irish saint related the visions in which we have in its chrysalis form the Florentine’s immortal poem; eight hundred years before Copernicus published his great work on Astronomy, an Irish saint held, that the earth was a sphere; two hundred and fifty years before Leo placed the imperial crown upon the head of Charlemagne, an Irish saint consecrated Aidan king. The influence of Irish saints was felt from Fingal’s cave to the vineyards of Italy. The memory of Fridolin is still a power by the windings of the Rhine, the daughters of Tarentum kneel before the shrine of Cataldus. Glasgow has sprung up round the cell of Kentigern ; Wurzburg round Killian’s grave. Edinburgh owes its name to St. Enda, and a canton of Switzerland to St. Gall ; Malmesbury and St. Beeves to Mailduli and Bega. The names of Irish saints are read on Norwegian Runes, and on Pictish tombstones in lonely highland glens. Their names consecrate the hills of Cambria and the crumbling ruins of Cornwall, and cleave to solitary rock and windswept promontory
    ” Where the Northern Ocean in vast whirls
    Boils round the naked melancholy isles
    Of farthest Thule; and the Atlantic surge
    Pours in among the stormy Hebrides.”
    And abroad as at home, the cell of the Irish saint became a centre of learning. In his Celtic Scotland, Skene tells us that wherever Columba or his companions planted a monastery, there was kindled, not only the warmth of the new faith, but some light of knowledge contained in the Scriptures and other books which the Columbian monks spent much of their time in transcribing. In his highly interesting work The Making of England, Green relates how Irish teachers gathered round these scholars in the midst of solitary woodlands and desolate fens. With Ealdhelm, Mailduf’s pupil, he says, “began the whole literature of the south.” And speaking of Bede, he says, “the tradition of the elder Irish teachers still lingered to direct the young scholar into that path of scriptural interpretation to which he chiefly owed his fame.
    In the introduction to the life of Marianus Scotus by the Bollandists, we are told that the holy men who went from Scotia to France and Germany, built monasteries as places of retirement for themselves, and schools of learning and discipline for their fellow-workers. Speaking of Columbanus, Montalembert says, that “his bold genius by turns startled the Franks, the Burgundians, and the Lombards.” Moore, too, speaking of him, has the following: “The writings of this eminent man that have come down to us display an extensive and varied acquaintance, not merely with ecclesiastical, but with classical literature. From a passage in his letter to Boniface, it appears that he was acquainted both with the Greek and Hebrew languages, and when it is recollected that he did not leave Ireland till he was nearly fifty years of age, and that his life was afterwards one of constant activity and adventure, the conclusion is obvious, that all this knowledge of elegant literature must have been acquired in the schools of his own country.” On the epistle of St. Livin (another Irishman) to St. Floribert, Dollinger remarks, “This epistle and his epitaph on St. Bavo are perhaps the best poetical specimens of the time, and awaken within us an idea of the high state of mental cultivation which then existed in Ireland.”
    Virgilius, Dungal and Scotus Erigena, were beyond doubt the most remarkable scholars of their age. Lecky speaks of Virgilius as one of the few who in the eighth century cultivated profane sciences. Dungal is praised by Muratori for his classic grace of style and for his great knowledge of Scripture and literature. Erigena is described by Hallam as one of the two extraordinary men who in the dark ages stood out from the crowd in literature and politics. The three were Irishmen, and educated in the schools of their native isle.
    Indeed the more we study our ancient annals, and the lives of our early saints, the more we study Bede and the chroniclers of the 9th, 10th and 11th centuries, the brighter grows the vision of our former greatness. The past gives up its dead. We see wooded hillside and winding glen crowded with cell and church; we see Celt and stranger gathered round a venerable teacher under the shade of sighing oaks; we see multitudes leaving their country
    ” To serve as model for the mighty world
    And be the fair beginning of a time.”
    we truly understand the full meaning of the proud title, “Insula Sanctorum et Doctorum.”
    TIMOTHY LEE.
    Irish Ecclesiastical Record, 3rd series, Vol. 6 (1885), 249-257.

    Content Copyright © Omnium Sanctorum Hiberniae 2012-2015. All rights reserved.

  • Church Reform

    To close this series of essays, below is an introduction to the subject of Church Reform by scholar Dorothy Africa.

     

     

    The medieval church had to adapt its institutional organization and administrative system to a new cultural environment in Ireland. The dwindling in size of population centers and the weakening civic powers of the state were already evident as Christianity was carried into the frontier regions of Gaul and Britain, but in Ireland even the vestiges of Roman culture and imperial administration in sub-Roman Britain were absent. Consequently, ecclesiastical organization in Ireland was as decentralized as its native systems of secular governance, and its centers of ecclesiastical prominence were monastic rather than metropolitan. During the sixth century, monastic communities were founded throughout Ireland. These centers followed customs of life established by their founders, but only a few monastic Rules survive from the early monastic period in Ireland between the sixth and twelfth centuries. This dearth of information makes references to reform movements somewhat misleading because there appears to have been no standard practice to reform. The term is useful, however, as a description of periodic efforts made within the Irish church to gain or recapture a larger Christian unity of practice.
    THE EASTER CONTROVERSY
    The earliest movements noted in the annals and other written records were both internal dissensions within Ireland, though with larger ramifications extending to England and the continent. The first dispute, which erupted in the early seventh century and was not resolved until the early eighth century, concerned the proper calculation of Easter. The problems over the calculation of Easter had their origins in continental practice. The mathematical calculations were difficult, and so the church issued standard tables, or cycles, listing when the date would fall over a period of years.These tables were subject to change or refinement, however, creating a potential rift in practice. This potential was realized in Ireland, where the most influential communities at Counties Armagh, Bangor, and Iona employed an eighty-four-year cycle established in the fifth century, but Irish communities in the south appear to have adopted a sixth-century version attributed to Victorious of Aquitaine and also favored on the Continent.

    Leading ecclesiastics from both north and south attempted to resolve the matter by appealing to Rome, but the papal response failed to settle the question. The conflict between the two systems was a major factor in two major political confrontations outside Ireland. One took place on the Continent between the churches of the insular mission led by Columbanus of Bangor and Frankish ecclesiastics in 610, the other in England at the Synod of Whitby in 664 between supporters of Iona and those backing Wilfrid of York. Eventually, the adherents of the older cycle were persuaded to abandon it in favor of the majority view in the early eighth century.

    CÉLI-DÉ
    A second issue of potential discord arose within Ireland’s monastic culture in the mid-eighth century when some influential figures and communities became advocates for the adoption of a stern ascetic regimen. By the early ninth century, adherents of these practices had become known as Céli-Dé (Culdees), or the companions of God. The term was itself probably older than this ascetic movement but became closely identified with it. The ascetic model for the movement was the communal life of the early Christian monastic communities in Egypt and the desert hermits as described by John Cassian, and other hagiographical texts such as The Life of Anthony by Athanasius. The attempts to emulate these holy men prompted some to seek out sites of extreme isolation. The large number of medieval Irish place-names with the element dysert or disert (desert) in them shows that the ideal of the desert hermit was popular across Ireland.
    There were also groups of Céli-Dé attached to larger monastic communities or forming separate monasteries. The monastic community of Tallaght under its abbot Maél Rúain (d. 792) was an early proponent and center for the asceticism favored by the Céli-Dé. There are some texts attributed to the community, the most famous of which is the Martyrology of Tallaght. It is clear from their books that communal life was as important as that of the hermit to the Céli-Dé, but the focus was clearly on the spiritual purification of those committed to the religious life rather than to missionary work or pastoral care. In the eleventh century there were a few reports of groups of Céli-Dé at some large monasteries, but asceticism no longer figured as a flourishing ideal within the church.
    DIOCESAN ORGANIZATION
    Even as the ideals of the Céli-Dé ossified as a monastic ideal within the Irish church, a new reform movement was on the horizon. During the eleventh century, Ireland had come into closer and more frequent communication with England and the Continent through a variety of channels. By the late eleventh century some of the Viking port communities established in Ireland, such as Dublin, Waterford, and Limerick, had subordinated themselves to English ecclesiastical centers, notably Canterbury and Winchester. There was also a series of papal legates to Ireland in the twelfth century, with both connections serving to assist indigenous Irish reformers in their efforts to renovate and reform Christian social and religious life in Ireland and to establish a diocesan system of governance. Reports of the divergence in Ireland followed in ecclesiastical customs and law from the rest of the church brought intense criticism and rebuke from the outside, heightening the concerns of native Irish churchmen. Beginning in the later eleventh century and extending into the twelfth, another reform movement arose in Ireland, this time centering its attention on ecclesiastical organization and institutional structure rather than the inner religious life.
    As noted earlier, prominent abbots and other officials of monastic communities dominated the affairs of the Irish church in the early medieval period. These clerics often came from ecclesiastical families closely related to local secular dynasties. In addition, annal records name abbots and other ecclesiastical officials who inherited their positions from their fathers or were succeeded by their sons, indicating either that they remained laymen, or that the Irish church did not require them to be celibate. The Irish church was also castigated for its neglect of pastoral care and instruction to the laity, in part, perhaps, as a consequence of the ideal of the reclusive ascetic cultivated by the Irish religious. Some of the Irish reformers came from the same prominent families historically associated with powerful monasteries. This insider status gave these men the social and political access essential to effecting changes, and the discernment necessary to gauge the pace of change acceptable to contemporary society.
    In 1101 there was enough internal sympathy toward the cause of reform for a synod to be convened at Cashel. The most prominent ecclesiastic at the synod was Bishop Maél Muire Ua Dunáin. Little is known of his early life and career, but he was clearly of high office and greatly revered. Ua Dunáin may have begun his ecclesiastical career at the community of Clonard, an old and prominent foundation in Meath, where he died in 1117. He was also probably acting at the synod as the papal legate of Pope Pascal II. The brief reports on the resolutions of the synod indicate that it took cautious steps toward reform. The synod moved on several fronts to limit lay control and influence over ecclesiastical property and offices. It also issued a decree against marriage among close family members.
    Perhaps encouraged by the gains of the Cashel synod, another meeting convened ten years later at Rath Breasail. Ua Dunáin was in attendance, but the presiding ecclesiastic was Gille Easpuig (Gilbert), the bishop of Limerick and successor to Ua Dunáin as papal legate. The details of Gilbert’s origins and career are also largely unknown. He was probably of Norse-Irish origin and is known principally for his surviving work, De statu ecclesiastico, on the organization of the church. Also present was Cellach, the prominent reform-minded abbot of Armagh. The gathering at Rath Breasail adopted for Ireland a full-scale reorganization of the administrative structure of the church under two metropolitans, each with a dozen suffragan (diocesan) bishops. The two metropolitan seats were assigned to Counties Armagh and Cashel, and the dioceses assigned to each were generally named according to the old monastic and tribal centers. This allocation was immediately challenged by entrenched contemporary powers, secular and lay, resulting in substantial changes to the original plan in the immediate aftermath of the conference. Continuing the work begun earlier at Cashel, the synod also formally removed all churches in Ireland from lay control.
    The period between the meeting at Rath Breasail and the Synod of Kells in 1152 was politically very turbulent, but the reform movement continued to advance under the guidance of the successor to Abbot Cellach of Armagh, Maél Maédóc Ua Morgair (Malachy). Malachy had ties to native ecclesiastical families through both his parents, but he allied himself firmly with the cause of reform. He became abbot of Armagh upon the death of Cellach in 1129, and, despite initial hostility toward him, he instituted there the observance of the canonical hours, the practice of regular confession, and other customs of the church. Malachy left the abbacy of Armagh to become first abbot of Bangor, and then a regional bishop, but he continued to work for the national cause of reform. He was instrumental in the introduction into Ireland of the Cistercian order and the spread of the order of Augustine canons. He also presided over meetings to amend the diocesan system drawn up at Rath Breasail. In 1140 Malachy made a trip to Rome, where he requested palls (church vestmants, or cloaks, worn by archbishops) for the two metropolitans from Pope Innocent II. The pope directed Malachy to convene another meeting to confirm the choice before he would grant the request. Malachy returned to his work in Ireland, but did not abandon his hopes for formal recognition of the Irish ecclesiastic centers. He presided over a synod at Inis Pádraig near Dublin in 1148, which provided the needed confirmation, but he died at Clairvaux in 1149 on his way back to Rome. The palls that Malachy had sought arrived in Ireland in 1152 and were conferred upon the metropolitan sees established by the Synod of Kells held in that year. That synod added two additional metropolitan seats at Tuam and Dublin to the original ones at Armagh and Cashel, as well as additional dioceses, but otherwise the earlier scheme was left largely intact.
    The arrival of the Normans in Ireland in force after 1170 brought new leadership to the Irish church, but the organizational structure created by the reformers remained. The Normans assisted the introduction of continental orders and practices into Ireland, but they were not any more successful in curbing the Irish social practices so disturbing to the church than the earlier reformers had been. Throughout the late medieval period complaints about the marital failings of the native Irish and the crassness of the Irish clergy continued, though these reports are often suspect in light of the political and religious divisions of the period.
    Bibliography
    Bernard of Clairvaux. The Life and Death of Saint Malachy the Irishman. Translated and annotated by Robert T. Meyer. 1978.
    Bethell, Denis. “English Monks and Irish Reform in the Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries.” Historical Studies 8 (1971): 111–135.
    Carey, John. King of Mysteries: Early Irish Religious Writings. 1998.
    Charles-Edwards, Thomas M. Early Christian Ireland. 2000.
    Gwynn, Aubrey. The Irish Church in the 11th and 12th centuries. Edited by Gerard O’Brien. 1992.
    Hughes, Kathleen. The Church in Early Irish Society. 1966.
    Dorothy Africa