Author: Michele Ainley

  • Ancient Irish Schools

    This article, published in the Irish Ecclesiastical Record in 1885, lays out the view of Ireland as an island of saints and scholars which kept the flame of learning burning during the Dark Ages. It is a thesis that has had a more recent outing in Thomas Cahill’s popular book How the Irish Saved Civilization, but is one from which modern scholarship has moved away. There is currently much debate on just how dark the Dark Ages really were and on how exceptional Ireland really was. Although this article reflects the romantic view of scholar saints, artistic Celts and sighing oaks, it nevertheless contains some worthwhile information. 

    The Irish Ecclesiastical Record was founded in 1865 and in its early years published many articles on Irish saints and the early Irish church. I intend to make a selection of these available through the blog, but to access the footnotes, please consult the original volumes at the Internet Archive.
    ANCIENT IRISH SCHOOLS.
    AT the beginning of the sixth century the dying civilizations of Greece and Rome had almost entirely disappeared. The Goth had glutted his ire. Barbarian horses neighed among the urns of the Caesars; barbarian kings, with few exceptions, reigned from the ruins of Carthage to the walls of China; barbarian soldiers plundered the villas by the Rhine and Garonne, and laid waste the rich provinces watered by the Po and Adige. The hum of industry had ceased, the busy cities were mute, the lamp of the scholar burned no longer. Man, Cardinal Newman tells us, ceased from the earth and his works with him. In such a sad dark time the Irish schools arose and became centres of light.
    ” While the vigour of Christianity in Italy, Gaul and Spain was exhausted,” says Green, “in a bare struggle for life, Ireland, which remained unscourged by invaders drew from its conversion an energy such as it has never known since. Christianity had been received there with a burst of popular enthusiasm, and letters and arts sprung up rapidly in its train. The science and biblical knowledge which fled from the continent took refuge in famous schools which made Durrow and Armagh the universities of the West.” ” As early as the sixth century,” says Hallam, “a little glimmer of light was perceptible in the Irish monasteries, and in the next when France and Italy had sunk in deeper ignorance they stood not quite where national prejudice has sometimes placed them, but certainly in a very respectable position.” And Montalembert says “that from the fifth to the eighth century Ireland became one of the principal centres of Christianity in the world, and not only of Christian holiness and virtue, but also of knowledge, literature, and that intellectual life with which the new faith was about to endow Europe.”
    According to Gorres the church had migrated to Ireland to take up her winter quarters there, and lavished all her blessings on the people who gave her so hospitable a reception. He tells us moreover that monasteries and schools sprang up on every side the monasteries remarkable for their austere piety and the schools for their cultivation of science. ” When we look into the ecclesiastical life of this people,” continues the distinguished German, ” we are almost tempted to believe that some potent spirit had transplanted over the sea the cells of the valley of the Nile with all their hermits, its monasteries with all their inmates, and had settled them down in the Western Isle.” Even Froude admits that ” the religion of the Irish Celt burned like a star in Western Europe.” And the following are the words of one of our most distinguished antiquarians, Sir James Ware. ” It is evident from ancient writers of undeniable credit that there were formerly in Ireland several eminent schools, or as we now call them universities, to which the Irish and Britons, and at length the Gauls and Saxons flocked as to marts of good literature.”
    The Irish Schools were very numerous. According to Ware, 164 monasteries of note were built during the fifth, sixth and seventh centuries, and all the larger monasteries had schools attached to them. There were also many secular schools. It is uncertain when the secular schools were first established. Some say they were in existence seven centuries before Ireland bowed to the cross. Towards the close of the third century the monarch Cormac founded three colleges at Tara. After the Synod of Dromceata, the monarch Hugh also established schools for the education of the bards.
    The most famous of the monastic schools were Armagh and Bangor in Ulster ; Clonard, Clonmacnoise and Durrow in Leinster ; Lismore, Mungret and Ross in Munster ; and in Connaught the schools of Arran, Mayo and Clonfert.
    About the year 455, or according to Usher, ten years later, St. Patrick founded on the hill of the golden-haired Macha the Monastery and School of Armagh. And Archdall says that Armagh continued for many ages one of the most celebrated ecclesiastical foundations in the world.
    Bangor was founded by St. Comgall in 558. St. Bernard speaks of it as a place truly holy, and says that the schools of those educated there so filled both Ireland and Scotland that the verses of David seem to have predicted those very times; viz., ”Thou hast visited the earth and hast plentifully watered it, Thou hast many ways enriched it.”
    In 527 Clonard was founded by St. Finnian on the left bank of the Boyne ; Durrow in 549 by St. Columba among the oaks of King’s County, and on the eastern bank of the Shannon, about seven miles from Athlone, St. Kieran founded Clonmacnoise in 548. Speaking of Clonard, Sir William Wilde says : “From this sanctuary and abode of wisdom undoubtedly sprang much of the learning both of Britain and the continent.” Bede calls Durrow a noble monastery ; and Eugene O’Curry says that Clonmacnoise continued to be the seat of learning and sanctity, the retreat of devotion and solitude for a thousand years after the founder’s time. To this day its ornamental crosses and foreign inscriptions and ruins hoary with age proclaim ” In chronicles of clay and stone, how true, how deep, Was Eire’s fame.” 
    Lismore, founded in 633 by St. Carthage, was the best known of the Munster schools. In the opinion of Dr. Lanigan this school was for a very long time equal at least to any other in Ireland. Ware quaintly remarks that there great numbers made profession of true philosophy.
    Early in the sixth century Mungret was founded by St. Nessan ; and about the middle of the same century St. Fachnan founded Ross. According to the Psalter of Cashel Mungret had within its walls six churches, and 15,000 monks, 500 lecturers, 500 psalmists, and 500 employed in spiritual exercises.
    The ancient writers speak most favour ably “of the school of Clonfert, founded by St. Brendan about the year 558. A 100 years later the Abbot Colman founded a monastery and school in Mayo. The school of Arran was founded by St. Enda in 480.
    There were also many other eminent schools: the school of Kildare called the Stranger’s Home ; ivy-wreathed Clonenagh called the Gallic school; the schools of Birr and Old Leighlen, to which students from the Danube and Loire flocked ; Moville, Taghmon and wildly picturesque Glendalough, where the Celt heard explained in his native tongue the Ptolemaic system and the Alexandrine cycle. There was a school on an island in Lough Erne, and a school on an island in Lough Derg ; schools on the islands of Innisfallen and Inniscatthy. The city of Cork has grown round Finnbarr’s school, amid the town of Roscrea round the school of St. Cronan. There were schools in the midst of quaking marshes, in the heart of far extending oak woods, and by the margin of many a lake.
    Five hundred students, and sometimes three times that number, attended a flourishing school. In an ancient life of St. Comgall we are told that 3,000 attended the school of Bangor; in the life of St. Brendan the same is said of Clonfert. ” And if we may venture to give credit to Florence Carty,” says Ware, ” who reports it out of some manuscript in Oxford, to which I am a stranger, the roll of the students of the University of Armagh at one and the same time formerly exceeded 7,000. At first sight such numbers appear incredible. However, we should remember that the younger monks attended the lectures and are called students ; also that a distinguished professor drew round him all the youth of his clan, and many of the men under forty. Moreover many foreigners came to our schools. Aldhelm says that the English went to Ireland ” numerous as bees.” Bede tells us that many nobles and gentry from among the Anglo-Saxons came to the Irish schools for the sake of divine study, or to lead stricter lives. “All of them,” he says, “the Scots most freely admitted supplied them gratis with daily sustenance, with books, with masters.” In the metrical life of Cataldus, by Bonaventure Moroni, multitudes are described as coming from the most distant parts of Europe to the school of Lismore. Petrie proves from monumental inscriptions, from the lives of the early saints, and from the Litany of Aengus, that foreigners from England, France, Italy, and even Egypt, flocked to Ireland in the fifth and sixth centuries. Willibrord studied there for twelve years, Agilbert, afterwards Bishop of Paris, for a considerable time. Merovingian princes and Northumbrian kings came to be instructed by Irish teachers.
    Indeed for three centuries Ireland was the light of the West. She filled the empty years with her schools, her missionaries, her men of letters. But evil times came. The Runic rhyme broke the peace of her cloisters. The Saga’s chant was heard in her schools. Her emblems of piety were broken and her manuscripts destroyed by the grim worshippers of Odin.
    The Danes first landed in Ireland in 797. They plundered Armagh in 831, and in 838 Turgesius expelled the religious and scholars. In 869 Amlave burned the schools and churches. The schools were again plundered 890, 919, 931 and 941. And the history of Armagh, with little change, is the history of the other schools. During the 9th, 10th, and llth centuries, they were several times plundered. During the reigns of Malachy and Brian some were rebuilt, and it looked as if the bright days of the Eierans,the Carthages and the Colombas were to return. But the Normans came, and the growing light faded. Many of the old schools indeed lived on. Towards the close of the 13th century Franciscan and Dominican schools were also opened in some of the cities and large towns. And in 1320 Archbishop de Bicknore published a document for the establishment of a university. The university was established and annexed to St. Patrick’s Cathedral. However, for want of sufficient funds, it slowly declined. Hence, in 1475, the four mendicant orders addressed a memorial to Pope Sixtus IV. for authority to establish another university. The different schools, and perhaps the two universities, struggled on till the Reformation, but strangers came to our schools no more, and the Irish student sighed in vain for the wisdom of the days of old.
    Our knowledge of the literary course pursued in our ancient schools is rather meagre. We are told that St. Finian taught scripture for seven years ; that St. Gaul studied grammar and poetry; that St. Camin collated parts of the Vulgate with the Hebrew version of the Scriptures. In his letter on the Paschal controversy St. Cummian shows a thorough knowledge of the various cycles for the computation of Easter. ” I enquired diligently,” he says, “what were the sentiments of the Hebrews, Greeks, Latins, and Egyptians, concerning the time of observing Easter.” Tighernach of Clonmacnoise, quotes Eusebius, Orosius, Africanus, Bede, Josephus, St. Jerome, and many other historic writers. He also collates the Hebrew text with the Septuagint version of the Scriptures. Aldhelm was taught Latin, Greek, and Hebrew, in the school of Mailduff; and Cadroe, theology, philosophy, the Sacred Scriptures, oratory, astronomy, and the natural sciences, in the University of Armagh. Speaking of Dunstan, Dr. Moran says, “that the details which have been handed down to us regarding his studies at Glastonbury, gives us some idea of the literary course pursued in the Irish monasteries at the period. He was first of all instructed in the Scriptures and writings of the Fathers of the Church. The ancient poets and historians next engaged his attention. But he showed a special taste for arithmetic, geometry, astronomy, and music.” Mr. Lecky says that the knowledge of Greek had been kept up in the Irish monasteries some time after it had disappeared from the other seminaries of Europe. It is almost certain, too, that Virgil and parts of Ovid and Horace were read in the same monasteries when they were unknown elsewhere. Perhaps the oldest manuscript of Horace in existence is one at present in the library of Berne, written in Celtic characters with notes in the Irish language.
    Jowett, Westwood, Wyatt, Waagen, and Keller, admit that the art of illumination attained a wonderful perfection in our ancient schools. Jowett tells us in the Art Journal ” that the early Irish designs exhibit a great inventive power, a stricter adherence to sound principles of art, and a more masterly execution than those of any other contemporaneous people.” Westwood, who gives in his series of Bible illustrations eight specimens of illustrated Irish manuscripts, says that, “the copy of the Gospels traditionally asserted to have belonged to St. Columba, is unquestionably the most elaborately executed manuscript of early art now in existence.” Matthew Arnold acknowledges that in this art the Celt has done just enough to show his delicacy of taste ; and a writer in a recent number of Longman’s Magazine, believes that purely Irish decoration is, take it altogether, the most elegant and ingenious style of decoration which the world has ever seen.
    But to form a just estimate of the great work of the Irish schools, we should follow Irishmen to other countries. According to White, Ireland sent into Germany 115 missionaries, 45 into France, 44 into England, 36 into Belgium, 25 into Scotland, 13 into Italy. Their sound went out into all lands, and their words to the ends of the world. Their osier cells were among the marshes of Holland, and by the waters of Constance. Their images were over the altars of Leige, Ratisbon, and Lecca. They lectured in the schools of Paris, Pavia, and Verona. Their manuscripts are precious relics in the libraries of Louvain and St. Isidore, Wurzburg and Milan, Cambray and Carlsruhe. More than five centuries before the birth of Dante, an Irish saint related the visions in which we have in its chrysalis form the Florentine’s immortal poem; eight hundred years before Copernicus published his great work on Astronomy, an Irish saint held, that the earth was a sphere; two hundred and fifty years before Leo placed the imperial crown upon the head of Charlemagne, an Irish saint consecrated Aidan king. The influence of Irish saints was felt from Fingal’s cave to the vineyards of Italy. The memory of Fridolin is still a power by the windings of the Rhine, the daughters of Tarentum kneel before the shrine of Cataldus. Glasgow has sprung up round the cell of Kentigern ; Wurzburg round Killian’s grave. Edinburgh owes its name to St. Enda, and a canton of Switzerland to St. Gall ; Malmesbury and St. Beeves to Mailduli and Bega. The names of Irish saints are read on Norwegian Runes, and on Pictish tombstones in lonely highland glens. Their names consecrate the hills of Cambria and the crumbling ruins of Cornwall, and cleave to solitary rock and windswept promontory
    ” Where the Northern Ocean in vast whirls
    Boils round the naked melancholy isles
    Of farthest Thule; and the Atlantic surge
    Pours in among the stormy Hebrides.”
    And abroad as at home, the cell of the Irish saint became a centre of learning. In his Celtic Scotland, Skene tells us that wherever Columba or his companions planted a monastery, there was kindled, not only the warmth of the new faith, but some light of knowledge contained in the Scriptures and other books which the Columbian monks spent much of their time in transcribing. In his highly interesting work The Making of England, Green relates how Irish teachers gathered round these scholars in the midst of solitary woodlands and desolate fens. With Ealdhelm, Mailduf’s pupil, he says, “began the whole literature of the south.” And speaking of Bede, he says, “the tradition of the elder Irish teachers still lingered to direct the young scholar into that path of scriptural interpretation to which he chiefly owed his fame.
    In the introduction to the life of Marianus Scotus by the Bollandists, we are told that the holy men who went from Scotia to France and Germany, built monasteries as places of retirement for themselves, and schools of learning and discipline for their fellow-workers. Speaking of Columbanus, Montalembert says, that “his bold genius by turns startled the Franks, the Burgundians, and the Lombards.” Moore, too, speaking of him, has the following: “The writings of this eminent man that have come down to us display an extensive and varied acquaintance, not merely with ecclesiastical, but with classical literature. From a passage in his letter to Boniface, it appears that he was acquainted both with the Greek and Hebrew languages, and when it is recollected that he did not leave Ireland till he was nearly fifty years of age, and that his life was afterwards one of constant activity and adventure, the conclusion is obvious, that all this knowledge of elegant literature must have been acquired in the schools of his own country.” On the epistle of St. Livin (another Irishman) to St. Floribert, Dollinger remarks, “This epistle and his epitaph on St. Bavo are perhaps the best poetical specimens of the time, and awaken within us an idea of the high state of mental cultivation which then existed in Ireland.”
    Virgilius, Dungal and Scotus Erigena, were beyond doubt the most remarkable scholars of their age. Lecky speaks of Virgilius as one of the few who in the eighth century cultivated profane sciences. Dungal is praised by Muratori for his classic grace of style and for his great knowledge of Scripture and literature. Erigena is described by Hallam as one of the two extraordinary men who in the dark ages stood out from the crowd in literature and politics. The three were Irishmen, and educated in the schools of their native isle.
    Indeed the more we study our ancient annals, and the lives of our early saints, the more we study Bede and the chroniclers of the 9th, 10th and 11th centuries, the brighter grows the vision of our former greatness. The past gives up its dead. We see wooded hillside and winding glen crowded with cell and church; we see Celt and stranger gathered round a venerable teacher under the shade of sighing oaks; we see multitudes leaving their country
    ” To serve as model for the mighty world
    And be the fair beginning of a time.”
    we truly understand the full meaning of the proud title, “Insula Sanctorum et Doctorum.”
    TIMOTHY LEE.
    Irish Ecclesiastical Record, 3rd series, Vol. 6 (1885), 249-257.

    Content Copyright © Omnium Sanctorum Hiberniae 2012-2015. All rights reserved.

  • Church Reform

    To close this series of essays, below is an introduction to the subject of Church Reform by scholar Dorothy Africa.

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    Church Reform

    The medieval church had to adapt its institutional
    organization and administrative system to a new cultural environment in
    Ireland. The dwindling in size of population centers and the weakening civic
    powers of the state were already evident as Christianity was carried into the
    frontier regions of Gaul and Britain, but in Ireland even the vestiges of Roman
    culture and imperial administration in sub-Roman Britain were absent.
    Consequently, ecclesiastical organization in Ireland was as decentralized as
    its native systems of secular governance, and its centers of ecclesiastical
    prominence were monastic rather than metropolitan. During the sixth century,
    monastic communities were founded throughout Ireland. These centers followed
    customs of life established by their founders, but only a few monastic Rules
    survive from the early monastic period in Ireland between the sixth and twelfth
    centuries. This dearth of information makes references to reform movements
    somewhat misleading because there appears to have been no standard practice to
    reform. The term is useful, however, as a description of periodic efforts made
    within the Irish church to gain or recapture a larger Christian unity of
    practice.

    THE EASTER CONTROVERSY


    The
    earliest movements noted in the annals and other written records were both
    internal dissensions within Ireland, though with larger ramifications
    extending to England and the continent. The first dispute, which erupted in
    the early seventh century and was not resolved until the early eighth
    century, concerned the proper calculation of Easter. The problems over the
    calculation of Easter had their origins in continental practice. The
    mathematical calculations were difficult, and so the church issued standard
    tables, or cycles, listing when the date would fall over a period of years.
    These tables were subject to change or refinement, however, creating a
    potential rift in practice. This potential was realized in Ireland, where the
    most influential communities at Counties Armagh, Bangor, and Iona employed an
    eighty-four-year cycle established in the fifth century, but Irish
    communities in the south appear to have adopted a sixth-century version
    attributed to Victorious of Aquitaine and also favored on the Continent.
    Leading ecclesiastics from both north and south attempted to resolve the
    matter by appealing to Rome, but the papal response failed to settle the
    question. The conflict between the two systems was a major factor in two major
    political confrontations outside Ireland. One took place on the Continent
    between the churches of the insular mission led by Columbanus of Bangor and
    Frankish ecclesiastics in 610, the other in England at the Synod of Whitby in
    664 between supporters of Iona and those backing Wilfrid of York. Eventually,
    the adherents of the older cycle were persuaded to abandon it in favor of the
    majority view in the early eighth
    century.
    CÉLI-DÉ

    A
    second issue of potential discord arose within Ireland’s monastic culture in
    the mid-eighth century when some influential figures and communities became
    advocates for the adoption of a stern ascetic regimen. By the early ninth
    century, adherents of these practices had become known as Céli-Dé (Culdees),
    or the companions of God. The term was itself probably older than this
    ascetic movement but became closely identified with it. The ascetic model for
    the movement was the communal life of the early Christian monastic
    communities in Egypt and the desert hermits as described by John Cassian, and
    other hagiographical texts such as The Life of Anthony by Athanasius.
    The attempts to emulate these holy men prompted some to seek out sites of
    extreme isolation. The large number of medieval Irish place-names with the
    element dysert or disert (desert) in them shows that the ideal
    of the desert hermit was popular across Ireland.

    There
    were also groups of Céli-Dé attached to larger monastic communities or
    forming separate monasteries. The monastic community of Tallaght under its
    abbot Maél Rúain (d. 792) was an early proponent and center for the
    asceticism favored by the Céli-Dé. There are some texts attributed to the
    community, the most famous of which is the Martyrology of Tallaght. It
    is clear from their books that communal life was as important as that of the
    hermit to the Céli-Dé, but the focus was clearly on the spiritual
    purification of those committed to the religious life rather than to
    missionary work or pastoral care. In the eleventh century there were a few
    reports of groups of Céli-Dé at some large monasteries, but asceticism no
    longer figured as a flourishing ideal within the church.
    DIOCESAN ORGANIZATION

    Even as
    the ideals of the Céli-Dé ossified as a monastic ideal within the Irish
    church, a new reform movement was on the horizon. During the eleventh
    century, Ireland had come into closer and more frequent communication with
    England and the Continent through a variety of channels. By the late eleventh
    century some of the Viking port communities established in Ireland, such as
    Dublin, Waterford, and Limerick, had subordinated themselves to English
    ecclesiastical centers, notably Canterbury and Winchester. There was also a
    series of papal legates to Ireland in the twelfth century, with both
    connections serving to assist indigenous Irish reformers in their efforts to
    renovate and reform Christian social and religious life in Ireland and to
    establish a diocesan system of governance. Reports of the divergence in Ireland
    followed in ecclesiastical customs and law from the rest of the church
    brought intense criticism and rebuke from the outside, heightening the
    concerns of native Irish churchmen. Beginning in the later eleventh century
    and extending into the twelfth, another reform movement arose in Ireland,
    this time centering its attention on ecclesiastical organization and
    institutional structure rather than the inner religious life.

    As
    noted earlier, prominent abbots and other officials of monastic communities
    dominated the affairs of the Irish church in the early medieval period. These
    clerics often came from ecclesiastical families closely related to local
    secular dynasties. In addition, annal records name abbots and other
    ecclesiastical officials who inherited their positions from their fathers or
    were succeeded by their sons, indicating either that they remained laymen, or
    that the Irish church did not require them to be celibate. The Irish church
    was also castigated for its neglect of pastoral care and instruction to the
    laity, in part, perhaps, as a consequence of the ideal of the reclusive
    ascetic cultivated by the Irish religious. Some of the Irish reformers came
    from the same prominent families historically associated with powerful
    monasteries. This insider status gave these men the social and political
    access essential to effecting changes, and the discernment necessary to gauge
    the pace of change acceptable to contemporary society.
    In 1101
    there was enough internal sympathy toward the cause of reform for a synod to
    be convened at Cashel. The most prominent ecclesiastic at the synod was
    Bishop Maél Muire Ua Dunáin. Little is known of his early life and career,
    but he was clearly of high office and greatly revered. Ua Dunáin may have
    begun his ecclesiastical career at the community of Clonard, an old and
    prominent foundation in Meath, where he died in 1117. He was also probably
    acting at the synod as the papal legate of Pope Pascal II. The brief reports
    on the resolutions of the synod indicate that it took cautious steps toward
    reform. The synod moved on several fronts to limit lay control and influence
    over ecclesiastical property and offices. It also issued a decree against
    marriage among close family members.
    Perhaps
    encouraged by the gains of the Cashel synod, another meeting convened ten
    years later at Rath Breasail. Ua Dunáin was in attendance, but the presiding
    ecclesiastic was Gille Easpuig (Gilbert), the bishop of Limerick and
    successor to Ua Dunáin as papal legate. The details of Gilbert’s origins and
    career are also largely unknown. He was probably of Norse-Irish origin and is
    known principally for his surviving work, De statu ecclesiastico, on
    the organization of the church. Also present was Cellach, the prominent
    reform-minded abbot of Armagh. The gathering at Rath Breasail adopted for
    Ireland a full-scale reorganization of the administrative structure of the
    church under two metropolitans, each with a dozen suffragan (diocesan)
    bishops. The two metropolitan seats were assigned to Counties Armagh and Cashel,
    and the dioceses assigned to each were generally named according to the old
    monastic and tribal centers. This allocation was immediately challenged by
    entrenched contemporary powers, secular and lay, resulting in substantial
    changes to the original plan in the immediate aftermath of the conference.
    Continuing the work begun earlier at Cashel, the synod also formally removed
    all churches in Ireland from lay control.
    The
    period between the meeting at Rath Breasail and the Synod of Kells in 1152
    was politically very turbulent, but the reform movement continued to advance
    under the guidance of the successor to Abbot Cellach of Armagh, Maél Maédóc
    Ua Morgair (Malachy). Malachy had ties to native ecclesiastical families
    through both his parents, but he allied himself firmly with the cause of
    reform. He became abbot of Armagh upon the death of Cellach in 1129, and,
    despite initial hostility toward him, he instituted there the observance of
    the canonical hours, the practice of regular confession, and other customs of
    the church. Malachy left the abbacy of Armagh to become first abbot of
    Bangor, and then a regional bishop, but he continued to work for the national
    cause of reform. He was instrumental in the introduction into Ireland of the
    Cistercian order and the spread of the order of Augustine canons. He also
    presided over meetings to amend the diocesan system drawn up at Rath
    Breasail. In 1140 Malachy made a trip to Rome, where he requested palls
    (church vestmants, or cloaks, worn by archbishops) for the two metropolitans
    from Pope Innocent II. The pope directed Malachy to convene another meeting
    to confirm the choice before he would grant the request. Malachy returned to
    his work in Ireland, but did not abandon his hopes for formal recognition of
    the Irish ecclesiastic centers. He presided over a synod at Inis Pádraig near
    Dublin in 1148, which provided the needed confirmation, but he died at
    Clairvaux in 1149 on his way back to Rome. The palls that Malachy had sought
    arrived in Ireland in 1152 and were conferred upon the metropolitan sees
    established by the Synod of Kells held in that year. That synod added two
    additional metropolitan seats at Tuam and Dublin to the original ones at
    Armagh and Cashel, as well as additional dioceses, but otherwise the earlier
    scheme was left largely intact.
    The
    arrival of the Normans in Ireland in force after 1170 brought new leadership
    to the Irish church, but the organizational structure created by the
    reformers remained. The Normans assisted the introduction of continental
    orders and practices into Ireland, but they were not any more successful in
    curbing the Irish social practices so disturbing to the church than the
    earlier reformers had been. Throughout the late medieval period complaints
    about the marital failings of the native Irish and the crassness of the Irish
    clergy continued, though these reports are often suspect in light of the
    political and religious divisions of the period.
    Bibliography
    Bernard
    of Clairvaux. The Life and Death of Saint Malachy the Irishman.
    Translated and annotated by Robert T. Meyer. 1978.

    Bethell,
    Denis. “English Monks and Irish Reform in the Eleventh and Twelfth
    Centuries.” Historical Studies 8 (1971): 111–135.

    Carey,
    John. King of Mysteries: Early Irish Religious Writings. 1998.

    Charles-Edwards,
    Thomas M. Early Christian Ireland. 2000.

    Gwynn,
    Aubrey. The Irish Church in the 11th and 12th centuries. Edited by
    Gerard O’Brien. 1992.

    Hughes,
    Kathleen. The Church in Early Irish Society. 1966.
    Dorothy
    Africa

  • The Norman Conquest of Ireland

    Below is short introductory essay by a modern scholar on the coming of the Normans to Ireland.

    Norman Conquest and Colonization

    Seán Duffy

    The Anglo-Norman invasion of Ireland began with a trickle of mercenaries from South Wales landing in County Wexford in the summer of 1167, in aid of the exiled king of Leinster, Diarmait Mac Murchada; substantial reinforcements arrived two years later, who were intent on staying and winning Irish lands. The most famous of the invaders was Richard “Strongbow” de Clare, lord of Pembroke and Chepstow (Strigoil), who did not arrive until August 1170, when he married Mac Murchada’s daughter, claimed the right to succeed him as king of Leinster, and conquered Dublin from its Hiberno-Norse rulers. These latter events caused the reigning king of England, Henry II, to reassess the benign but “hands-off” stance that had hitherto characterized his response to the invasion. Since his youth, he had been interested in conquering Ireland himself and adding it to the many territories that were his Angevin “empire.” He had accepted Mac Murchada’s declaration of fealty, made in Aquitaine in 1166 to 1167, carrying the reciprocal duty to protect Diarmait from his enemies, and had authorized him to seek support from among Henry’s vassals.

    The problem was that Strongbow was an errant vassal, out of royal favor after having taken the wrong side in the civil war that preceded Henry’s accession. The latter had denied him the title of earl for his Welsh estates, and was hardly likely to allow him become king of Leinster, which Strongbow was intending to do following Mac Murchada’s death in May 1171. Attempts having failed to forbid Strongbow’s departure for Ireland, to call home his associates, and to blockade their supplies, Henry decided to come to Ireland, to regularize the position of Strongbow and the other adventurers who were making rapid strides there, and to oversee the conquest in person. And so, when he landed near Waterford on 17 October 1171, with five hundred knights and four thousand archers, Henry II became the first English king to enter Ireland.

    It was no glittering prize, although its Viking-founded towns were certainly an asset, and Henry was quick to take possession of them from Strongbow and his followers. Without its wealthy ports, especially Dublin, Leinster was a far less attractive acquisition, and hence Henry allowed Strongbow to hold it in return for supplying the military service of 100 knights. The kings of Thomond and Desmond, Ó Briain and Mac Carthaig, voluntarily came to Henry at Waterford and submitted to him, and most other important kings and prelates did likewise, the kings hoping that Henry might restrain the more acquisitive of the invaders (he did so, to a degree, for several years), while the clergy believed that the Irish church could be more successfully modernized if subjected to English influence, an arrangement formalized at the Synod of Cashel during Henry’s brief visit.

    However, Henry did not meet the high king, Ruaidrí Ó Conchobair (Rory O’Connor), and the Anglo-Norman settlement did not proceed easily when faced with his opposition, although his armies proved ineffective against the sophistication of the Norman military machine and the invulnerability to Irish assault of the castles with which they were busy dotting the landscape. A compromise was required, and in 1175 the “treaty” of Windsor was negotiated whereby Ruaidrí accepted the Anglo-Norman colony, which was confined within its existing boundaries (Leinster, Munster from Waterford to Dungarvan, and Meath, which Henry had given to Hugh de Lacy in 1172), while Henry acknowledged Ruaidrí as the paramount power elsewhere. However, this had little appeal for the land-hungry colonists and was soon abandoned in favor of a policy of all-out conquest, with speculative grants of Desmond and Thomond being made to favorites of the king, while John de Courcy won east Ulster for himself in 1177. In that year, a royal council was held at Oxford at which the youngest of Henry’s four sons, John, was made lord of Ireland. He was not expected to succeed to the throne, and so Henry envisaged a loose constitutional arrangement whereby Ireland would be ruled by a junior branch of the English royal family.

    It was 1185 before John visited Ireland, but his youthful folly in his dealings with the Irish kings alienated them from their new lord, who was busy building castles on Leinster’s frontier and granting lands in Munster to the ancestors of the Butlers and Burkes, while what is now County Louth was also taken from the Irish. In terms of fostering relations with the Irish, John’s expedition proved disastrous, but it did advance the conquest and saw the establishment in Ireland of a form of government modeled on that of England, a pattern that has prevailed. John’s later expedition in 1210 was hardly more productive since he was again inept in his treatment of the native rulers, although he reasserted his faltering authority over the colonists and further expanded the apparatus and reach of royal government. In the meantime, in 1199, John had ascended the throne, and hence the lordship of Ireland and kingship of England were, by an accident of history, reunited in the same person, as remained the case long thereafter.

    By the time of John’s second visit the country had been immeasurably transformed. The power of the Irish kings, except in the northwestern quadrant of the island, had been minimized, and their best ancestral lands taken from them by Anglo-Norman barons intent on expanding even further. They were able to do so by virtue of their advanced military equipment and tactics and their policy of encastellation. Beginning with rapidly erected timber structures atop earthen mounds (the motte-and-bailey), they were soon constructing massive stone fortresses like Trim and Carrickfergus, a sign for all to see that they were there to stay. But these would have meant nothing to the Irish if conquest were not followed by large-scale colonization. Only then, by the banishment of the native population from the fertile plains or their reduction to servile status, and the introduction of a new, loyal English population, could the colony feel secure and, just as important, provide a profit for those adventurers who had risked all on crossing the Irish Sea to start a new life.

    In the aftermath of the invasion, therefore, Ireland witnessed nothing short of an economic and agricultural revolution. The great lords parceled up their conquests among members of the lesser gentry from their homelands who were prepared to join them on this new frontier. The latter in turn persuaded others to follow suit (probably not too difficult at a time of population growth), and as each took ownership of their new estates, they enticed over their English and Welsh tenants, offering more attractive terms of tenure. They built new towns and boroughs and persuaded burgesses to inhabit them by less rigorous taxes and regulation. Just as towns needed merchants, traders, and craftsmen, so too manors needed laborers and parishes needed priests. Everything required to turn this new colony into a facsimile of England was found and shipped over from the neighboring isle, and within a generation or two the transformation was immense. But it was never complete. In the north and west, and in the uplands and bogs, the native Irish remained intact. Denied access to the law and treated as enemies in their own land, they remained a potential threat, and although the colony continued to expand until about the year 1300, its unfinished nature meant that an Irish resurgence was inevitable.

    Bibliography

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